• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.86-109
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• 2009

Mireuksa Temple was founded during the reign of King Mu of Baekje(AD 600-641). The circumstance of the construction of this temple is documented in "Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms (Samgukyusa)". The pagoda named stone pagoda at Mireuksaji temple stands outside the main sanctuary of the western area. The south and west sides of the stone pagoda have completely collapsed, leaving only the eastern facade of six of its levels intact. Through the recent discovery of sarira reliquary we can see that the erection of this pagoda was in 639. So owing to accumulation of excavation results about Baekje temple site and vigorous academic exchange, it is possible that architecture of western pagoda at Mireuksaji temple can be understood in connection with the architectural development of wooden pagoda from 6th to early 7th century in East Asia. So this study is on the consideration of building of this pagoda putting first structure of upper part and cross-shaped space in 1st floor. It was considered that the material characteristics as stone could be applied to the temple pagoda architecture of large scale. The results are as follows. First, it had been built in recognition that the outer and inner part of pagoda should be separated. As it is the expression of structural system in temple pagoda architecture of large scale at that time. In pagoda there was a self-erected structure and the members of outer part of it were constructed additionally. Second, in Mireuksaji stone pagoda there is central column with stones. With inner part of pagoda it can be regarded as mixed structural system that constitutes central contral column and inner structural part. And it could be a kind of middle step to more developed structure of whole as wooden pagodas in Japan. Third, as the sarira reliquary was in central column on the first floor, the cross-shaped space could be made. The formation of this space was so on the natural meaning of sarira that the concept as memorial service of graves could be apllied to the pagoda. The style of tomb in Baekje was expressed to the space of 1st floor in pagoda where Sarira had been mstalled. That was not only effective presentation of symbolic space but also easier method in the use of same material.

• Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
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• v.52 no.6
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• pp.696-700
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• 2009

Purpose : We screened more than 350 compounds with an endoperoxide ring structure in search of an anti-leukemic drug and found that compound 127 (c-127) could induce significant cytotoxicity in HL-60 cells. In this study, we investigated the molecular mechanisms of compound 127-induced antitumor activity on HL-60 cells. Methods : HL-60 cells were cultured in Rosewell Park Memorial Institute 1640 and cell viability was measured by MTT [3-(4,5-dimethylthiazol-2-yl)-2,5-diphenyltetrazolium bromide], a tetrazole assay. Apoptosis was assessed by a DNA fragmentation test. Apoptotic machineries were determined by Western blot analysis. Results : C-127 could induce a cytotoxic effect at 24 h and apoptosis at 6 h, which was demonstrated with MTT assay and DNA fragmentation test, respectively. The apoptotic effect of this drug was caused by the activation of the intracellular caspase-8,3 activation, the cleavage of pro-apoptotic Bid, and the increase of c-Jun expression accompanied with JNK (Jun N-terminal kinases) phosphorylation. On the contrary, it increased the expression of anti-apoptotic Bcl-2 levels, leading to the induction of the induction of anti-apoptotic effect. Taken together, the present study demonstrated that c-127 was a potent inducer of cytotoxicity on HL-60 cells through apoptotic mechanisms, which included the activation of caspase family, the regulation of Bcl-2 family, and the activation of JNK signaling pathway. Conclusion : Our results suggest that c-127 has a strong antitumor activity through the regulation of various apoptotic machineries on HL-60 cells. The compound may be utilized as an effective and potentially therapeutic drug in leukemia.

• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.16
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• pp.179-198
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• 2009

This study analyzed the chronology of children's cartoon through character while the children's cartoon section is planned at the Memorial Exhibition of 100th year of Korean Cartoon which will be held at the Contemporary Art Gallery in celebration of the 100th year after birth of Korean Cartoon. The approaching method based on character is regarded as the most proper and feasible in the identification of character and meaning of children's cartoon because the character in cartoon contains the bigger role and meaning than the descriptive structure of narration. The Committee of 100th Year of Korean Cartoon, Aicheorum which is a study association for children's cartoon and Cartoon My Love $Cafe^{42)}$ in Naver jointly selected the 70 cartoon characters. A brief history is established based on these characters through chronological classification in seven sectors of around 10 year session such as before 1950s of quickening period and liberation, 1950s, 1960s, 1970s, 1000s, 1900s and after 2000. It examined the historical meaning, its reflection and characteristics focused on the cartoon character and the cartoonist which were well-known to everybody not only the display according to chronological order. The study intented the stereoscopic illumination on the children's cartoon and character which were favored beyond the generations. In addition, the similarity and human relation among cartoonist to cartoonist and character to character were analyzed and traced to identity the fact that children cartoon character is not individualistic being but it lies on the extension of tradition and trend of eternal cartoon history Finally, hopefully it will make a contribution to activate the pure creative children's cartoon in Korea through reminding the importance of character in cartoon, affirming the industrial value and reflecting the direction and perspective of pure creative children's cartoon.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.59
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• pp.121-156
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• 2015

Memorials in Joseon Dynasty created a arena where the intellectual and political power met. This thesis traces the process of a certain political faction's rebuilding of the political structure of the elite groups by leading the intellectual controversies through memorials, especially those about the evaluations of Pak Setang(朴世堂) and I Gyeongseok(李景奭). This is what happened: Song Siyeol(宋時烈) submitted a memorial which disputed I Gyeongseok's petition, which provoked complete controversies around the memorials between Noron(老論) and Soron(少論). This led to the academic censorship against Sabyeonrok written by Pak Setang. The analysis of act of writing and submission of memorials by Noron and the role of the Kim Family of An-dong(安東 金門) specifically is the main topic here. The members of Soron ceaselessly criticized Song Siyeol, while the Kim Family strongly defended him. The trigger of the strife was a letter written by Kim Chang-Heup(金昌翕), a member of the Kim Family and the Kims played a significant role in the background during the process of political fights using memorials. The series of memorials criticized or supported certain political figure or his writings, but the opinions of Noron and Soron were directly opposite to each other. Even though the expressed difference was the result of the existing political factions, however, it also caused the new power structure of elite groups. The expressions and logics used in the arguments also have its significance. The Noron's memorials evaluated the contemporary people and their writings based on Chu-Hsi and Song Siyeol, who was regarded as a identical figure of Chu-Hsi. The arguments and writing strategies in this regard gained political strength enough to reorganize the intellectual society by changing alignment of political parties, and this led to the rebuilding of academic environment afterward.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.57 no.3
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• pp.305-335
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• 2005

This paper is a result from validation study for SPDA(A Screening Scale For Potential Drug-use Adolescents) created in 2003 and newly developed during 2004. SPDA aims to screen adolescents in their early stage of drug-use and to help practitioners make a preventive approach for the adolescents. 4307 junior and senior high school students were selected as primary research subjects by stratified and quota sampling methods. 305 adolescents on probation were also selected as a comparison group and asked to answer the same questionnaire. Reliability for SPDA recorded 0.914, which proved to be better than previous year's (0.898). Exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses to test construct validity proved that SPDA could be divided into 7 factors and that each factor structure of SPDA could be a proper measurement model with high level of fitness and factor loadings. Discriminant analysis to test predictive validity confirmed that SPDA could classify the adolescents excellently by the frequency of drug-use, with hit ratio of 86.6 percent(78.8% and 87.4% for junior and senior high school students respectively). For concurrent validity test, Hare Home Self-Esteem Scale, Hare School Self-Esteem, Zuckerman-Kuhlman Sensation-seeking Scale were employed to find correlation with SPDA and all the three scales had significant Pearson correlation coefficients with SPDA. Known-groups validity test indicated that SPDA had an adequate power to classify out adolescents on probation from those in schooling, with a hit ratio of 71.8 percent. Cut-off point to detect adolescents with high risk of substance use was 77, which indicated approximately T score, 55 (0.5 SD), satisfying sensitivity, specificity, and efficiency criteria.

• Toxicological Research
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.343-357
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• 1992

Tumor necrosis factor-${\alpha}$(TNF), a polypeptide hormone secreted primarily by activated macrophages, was originally identified on the basis of its ability to cause hemorrhagic necrosis and tumor regression in vivo. Subsequently, TNF has been shown to be an important component of the host responses to infection and cancer and may mediate the wasting syndrome known as cachexia. These systemic actions of TNF are reflected in its diverse effects on target cells in vitro. TNF initiates its diverse cellular actions by binding to specific cell surface receptors. Although TNF receptors have been identified on most of animal cells, regulation of these receptors and the mechanisms which transduce TNF receptor binding into cellular responses are not well understood. Therefore, in the present study, the mechanisms how TNF receptors are being regulated and how TNF receptor binding is being transduced into cellular responses were investigated in rat liver plasma membranes (PM) and ME-180 human cervical carcinoma cell lines. $^{125}I$-TNF bound to high ($K_d=1.51{\pm}0.35nM$)affinity receptors in rat liver PM. Solubilization of PM with 1% Triton X-100 increased both high affinity (from $0.33{\pm}0.04\;to\;1.67{\pm}0.05$ pmoles/mg protein) and low affinity (from $1.92{\pm}0.16\;to\;7.57{\pm}0.50$ pmoles/mg protein) TNF binding without affecting the affinities for TNF, suggesting the presence of a large latent pool of TNF receptors. Affinity labeling of receptors whether from PM or solubilized PM resulted in cross-linking of $^{125}I$-TNF into $M_r$ 130 kDa, 90 kDa and 66kDa complexes. Thus, the properties of the latent TNF receptors were similar to those initially accessible to TNF. To determine if exposure of latent receptors is regulated by TNF, $^{125}I$-TNF binding to control and TNF-pretreated membranes were assayed. Specific binding was increased by pretreatment with TNF (P<0.05), demonstrating that hepatic PM contains latent TNF receptors whose exposure is promoted by TNF. Homologous up-regulation of TNF receptors may, in part, be responsible for sustained hepatic responsiveness during chronic exposure to TNF. As a next step, the post-receptor events induced by TNF were examined. Although the signal transduction pathways for TNF have not been delineated clearly, the actions of many other hormones are mediated by the reversible phosphorylation of specific enzymes or target proteins. The present study demonstrated that TNF induces phosphorylation of 28 kDa protein (p28). Two dimensional soidum dodecyl sulfate-polyacrylamide gel electrophoresis(SDS-PAGE) resolved the 28kDa phosphoprotein into two isoforms having pIs of 6.2 and 6.1. The pIs and relative molecular weight of p28 were consistent with those of a previously characterized mRNA cap binding protein. mRNA cap binding proteins are a class of translation initiation factors that recognize the 7-methylguanosine cap structure found on the 5' end of eukaryotic mRNAs. In vitro, these proteins are defined by their specific elution from affinity columns composed of 7-methylguanosine 5'-triphosphate($m^7$GTP)-Sepharose. Affinity purification of mRNA cap binding proteins from control and TNF treated ME-180 cells proved that TNF rapidly stimulates phosphorylation of an mRNA cap binding protein. Phosphorylation occurred in several cell types that are important in vitro models of TNF action. The mRNA cap binding protein phosphorylated in response to TNF treatment was purifice, sequenced, and identified as the proto-oncogene product eukaryotic initiation factor-4E(eIF-4E). These data show that phosphorylation of a key component of the cellular translational machinery is a common early event in the diverse cellular actions of TNF.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.123-133
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• 1981

If we are to define that the traditional costume is a comprehensive expression of the culture, thoughts, and arts of a country, it is needless to say that the traditional costume would have always reflected the social and cultural aspects of the times. In order words, the cultural contemplation of a certain people at some point the history is only possible when we observe the distintive features of the costume worn by the people of respective times. Although the Korean people had the native costume of its own from the times of the Ancient Choson to the Three Kingdoms of Koguryo, Paekche, and Silla, the Chinese influence on Korean traditional costume became somewhat pronounced ever since the Silla strenghtened the political ties with the T'ang dynasty in China, and it came to a climax when the dual structure in Korean native costume, being compounded with the Chinese touch, continued to be prevailed from the era of the Unified Silla to the Koryo and throughout the succeeding Yi dynasty, thereby copying the typical aspects of Chinese pattern in clothing and dresses worn by the ruling classes, namely the goverment officials including the Kings. Therefore, it is our aim to study the pattern of Chinese influence on our traditional costume, as well as social and cultural aspects by way of contrasting and comparing our official outfit system, which had been developing in dualism since the era of the Unified Silla, with that of China, and to trace in part the Korean traditional costume. In comparing our traditional official outfit system with that of China, we have basically concentrated on the comparison of the official outfit systems during the periods of the Three Kingdoms, the Koryo, and The Yi dynasty with that of corresponding era of Chinese history, namely the dynasties of T'ang, Sung, and Ming, and followed the documentary records for the comparison. Koreans had fallen into the practice of worshipping the powerful in China and begun to adopt the culture and institutions of the T'ang dynasty since the founding of the Unified Silla. From this time forth, Korean people started to wear the clothes in Chinese style. The style of clothing during the period of the Koryo Kingdom was deeply influenced by that of the T'ang and Sung dynasties in China, and it was also under the influenced of the Yuan dynasty(dynasty established by the Mongols) at one time, because of the Koryo's subordinative position to the Yuan. At the close of the Koryo dynasty, the King Kongmin ordered the stoppage on the use of 'Ji-Joung', the name of an era for the Yuan dynasty, in May of the eighteenth year of his rule in order to have the royal authority recognized by a newly rising power dominating the Chinese continent, the Mind. Kind Kongmin presented a memorial, repaying a kindness to the Emperor T'aejo of the Ming dynasty in celebration of his enthronement and requested that the emperor choose an official outfit, thereby the Chinese influence being converted to that of the Ming. As a matter of course, the Chinese influence deepened all the more during the era of the Yi dynasty coupled with the forces of the toadyic ideology of worshipping the China, dominant current of the times, and the entire costume, from the imperial crown and robe to the official outfit system of government officials, such as official uniforms, ordinary clothes, sacrificial robes, and court dresses followed the Chinese style in their design. Koreans did not have the opportunity of developing the official outfit system on its own and they just wore the official outfit designated on separate occasions by the emperors of China, whenever the changes in dynasty occurred in the continent. Especially, the Chinese influence had greatly affected in leading our consciousness on the traditional costume to the consciousness of the class and authority. Judging from the results, Koreans had been attaching weight to the formulation of the traditional outfit system for the ruling classes in all respective times of the history and the formulation of the system was nothing more than the simple following of the Chinese system.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.40-53
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• 2019

This study was conducted to investigate the changes in Scenic Spots by utilizing the "Sinjeungdonggukyeojiseungram(新增東國輿地勝覽)" and "Joseonhwanyeoseungnam(朝鮮?與勝覽)" to interpret "Joseonmyeongseungsiseon(朝鮮名勝詩選, 1915)". By examining the historical context when "Joseonmyeongseungsiseon" was published, it documented the Japanese's memories of 'Sino-Japanese War(淸日戰爭)' in 1894, which implies the 'policy of assimilation' by the Japanese Government-General of Korea after the Japanese annexation of Korea(1910). Detailed information about the author 'Narushima Sagimura(成島鷺村)' can be found in preface. In the "Joseonmyeongseungsiseon", it dedicates most of the part in describing the Scenic Spot especially in 'Anseong Do (15 lines)', where has the memories of war such as the 'First Sino-Japanese War'. The number of Scenic Spots, commonly mentioned in both "Sinjeungdonggukyeoji seungram" and "Joseonhwanyeoseungnam" in Cheonan province are 13 in total. Most of the content contains a similar structure. But 'Honggyeongwon(弘慶院)' and 'Seonghwanyeok(成歡驛)' has both the common Joseon Dynasty landscape point of view, and the additional historical context which are about the 'Jeongyujaeran(丁酉再亂)' or 'First Sino-Japanese War' consequently enlightens the 'placeness' of the Scenic Spots. Among the newly described Scenic Spots, 'Anseongdo(安城渡)' is the part that focuses on the memory of the 'Anseongcheon Battle' that gave Japan its first defeat in the Sino-Japanese War. Especially, by introducing the poetry of 'Sinobu Shunpei' it maximizes the appreciation through emphasizing the direct correlation between placeness and the poem itself. While the Joseon Dynasty poems are 10 pieces in total and their title and the subject matters are all related to historical spots, and the appreciation also maximizes when fully interpreted with understanding the historical context. However, it's contextual meanings are neglected by dividing the actual structures into separate pages. When looking at the location of famous historic sites, they come in many different types, considering the location, meaning, size, and conditions surrounding them. It appears as a service space for travelers, a place for sightseeing, relaxation or return, a temple space for paying respects or memorial services, a fortress facility for defense and protection, or a fishing area for wages, and an old battlefield. Especially, it is noted that the area is diverse as the cultural landscape of Cheonan, given that the battle space between the hermitage and the Donghangnongmin(東學農民) is shared with each other. It is necessary to establish policies for the preservation and restoration of local cultural assets based on these points in the future.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.216-233
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• 2020

This study set out to review tomb culture in the Gyeongju region during the Bronze Age, and also examine the patterns of dolmens during their end phase. For these purposes, the study analyzed 18 tomb relics from the Bronze Age and nine from the early Iron Age. Gyeongju belongs to the Geomdan-ri cultural zone. Approximately 120 tombs from the Bronze Age have been excavated in the Gyeongju region. There are fewer tombs than dwellings in the region, which is a general characteristic of the Geomdan-ri cultural zone. Although the number of tombs is small, the detailed structure of the dead body is varied. During the Bronze Age, tombs in the Gyeongju region were characterized by more prolific construction of pit tombs, dolmens with boundaries, and stacked stone altars than were the cases in other areas. There is a great possibility that the pit tombs in the Gyeongju region were influenced by their counterparts in the northeastern parts of North Korea, given the spindle whorl artifacts buried at the Dongsan-ri sites. Dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars are usually distributed in the Songguk-ri cultural zone, and it is peculiar that instances of these are found in large numbers in the Gyeongju region as part of the Geomdanri cultural zone. Even in the early Iron Age, the building of dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars continued in the Gyeongju region under the influence of the Bronze Age. A new group of people moved into the area, and they crafted ring-rimmed pottery and built wooden coffin tombs. In the early Iron Age, new rituals performed in high places also appeared, and were likely to provide venues for memorial services for heavenly gods in town-center areas. The Hwacheon-ri Mt. 251-1 relic and the Jukdong-ri relic are ruins that exhibit the aspect of rituals performed in high places well. In these rituals performed in high places, a stacked stone altar was built with the same form as the dolmens with boundaries, and a similar rock to the cover stone of a dolmen was used. People continued to build and use dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars while sustaining the Bronze Age traditions, even into the early Iron Age, because the authority of dolmens was maintained. Some dolmens with boundaries and stacked stone altars, known as being Bronze Age in origin, would have continued to be used in ritual practices until the early Iron Age. Entering the latter half of the second century B.C., wooden coffin tombs began to propagate. This was the time when the southern provinces, including the Gyeongju region, were included in the East Asian network, with the spread of ironware culture and the arrival of artifacts from central China. Around this time, dolmen culture faded into history with a new era beginning in its place.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.67
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• pp.379-418
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• 2017

Weoldae -which we can find inside Joseon palaces- is usually erected in front of important structures including the Main Hall(Jeongjeon, 正殿). There is no clear definition of its nature that we can find in official law codes or dynastic ritual manuals, and such records do not specify what kind of rules should be observed in creating them either. In illustrations of palaces such as and , Weoldae can be seen at structures such as the Main "Jeongjeon" Hall(正殿), Royal office(Pyeonjeon, 便殿), Royal Quarters(Jeongchim, 正寢), Queen's bedroom(Chimjeon, 寢殿), Quarters of the Crown Prince(Dong'gung, 東宮), and other structures. All these structures equipped with a Weoldae were related to special figures inside the royal family such as the king, the queen, the crown prince, and the crown-prince' son. These figures were literally above the law, and as such their treatment could not be defined by law. And these spaces were where they worked or rested while they lived, and where their posthumous tablets(Shinju, 神主) or portraits(Eojin, 御眞) were enshrined after they died. (When such spaces were used for latter purposes, they were designated either as 'Honjeon[魂殿, chamber of the tablet]' or 'Jinjeon[眞殿, hall of portrait']). Joseon was a Confucian dynasty with a strict social stratification system, and the palace structures reflected such atmosphere as well. We can see that structures described with Weoldae in and were structures which were more important than others that did not have a Weoldae. Among structures with Weoldae, the place which hosted most of the dynastic rituals was the Main Hall. In this Main Hall, the King swore an oath himself, passed the incense(香) himself during memorial services, and observed honoring ceremonies[Manbae-rye(望拜禮)] at the "Hwangdan"(皇壇) altar which was built to commemorate the three Ming Emperors. The so-called "Two Palaces[兩闕]" of Joseon shared a unique relationship in terms of their own Weoldae units and the rituals that were held there. In the early half of the Joseon dynasty period, Gyeongbok-gung(景福宮) and Dong'gweol(東闕) constituted the "Two palaces," but after the war with the Japanese in the 1590s during which the Gyeongbok-gung palace was incinerated, Dong'gweol and Seogweol(西闕) came to newly form the "Two palaces" instead. Meanwhile, Changdeok-gung(昌德宮) became the main palace[法宮], replacing the previous one which had been Gyeongbok-gung. In general, when a king moved to another palace, the ancestral tablets in the Honjeon chamber or the portrait in the Jinjeon hall would accompany him as well. Their presence would be established within the new palace. But king Yeongjo was an exception from that practice. Even after he moved to the Gyeong'hi-gung(慶熙宮) palace, he continued to pay visit to the Jinjeon Hall at Changdeok-gung. While he was positioned inside Gyeong'hi-gung, he did not manage the palace with Gyeonghi-gung as its sole center. He tried to manage other palaces like Changdeok-gung and Chang'gyeong-gung(昌慶宮) as well, and as organically as possible.