• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.24 no.6
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• pp.666-676
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• 2009

Oral folk tale, which are organized stories that have been handed down to each district, includes a lot of mention about local specialties related to food. In folk tales consisting of linguistic signs, food plays a role in expressing not only instinct and desire but also order, exclusion and communication of human beings. Understanding the matters of concern or consciousness that community members of the time have put an emphasis on through food included in folk tales can be useful for better understanding the culture of the time and the food in folk tales can be a symbolic code. In this study, food mentioned in folk tales were classified into six groups, medicine, love, god, livelihood, provision and power focused on both inland and coastal regions that are referred to in most of the sixteen volumes of Korean Oral Folk Tales. In addition, the symbolic meanings of these groups were examined. This study can contribute to establishing the foundation of the globalization of the Korean food by determining the way Korea food can become a world class food. This study aims to reinterpret and combine culture and art with the food of Korea based on six symbolic meanings of food expressed in Korean Oral Folk Tales.

• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.13 no.4
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• pp.131-138
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• 2019

The film enters the color film from black and white, and the screen image changes qualitatively. The color in the film not only has the reproduction function of the restoration object like the objective appearance, but also has the function of conveying different subjective emotions. It can express the color and can't express it. The artistic effect conveys the information content that the story itself can't convey, so the color of the film becomes an important part of the film language. The color in the film is presented on the screen in the form of single-screen color, scene color, full-color color tone, and various color chains designed according to different contradictions and conflicts. Because the film art and art means are assembled by montage, he colors in the picture also form a montage form. People call it "color montage". People's subjective nature of color criticism and acceptance of color language also depend on various local tones. The accurate expression of the relationship, the unique attribute of color determines that the color must enter the structural state in order to express its unique charm. The color of the film only has the real aesthetic value when it enters the level of "color structure". This paper studies the color of Chinese and Western films from the differences between the color thinking of Chinese and Western film directors and the cultural implication of Chinese and Western film colors. The western film director emphasizes the structure of color and pays attention to the use of tonal montage to convey the characters. Emotions reflect the characteristics of a subjective color. Beginning with the "fifth-generation" director of Chinese film, the new journey of film color language has been opened. In the process of blending love and scenery, the film style of "image-in-one" has been achieved.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.3
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• pp.223-235
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• 2019

In order to develop the marketing strategy of Korean floral arrangement courses for chinese tourists, this study aimed at gaining their participation motivation with application of the ZMET (Zaltman metaphor-elicitation technique). According to the results, 18 constructs ('a sense of accomplishment', 'Korean culture visit', 'teacher's high-quality service', 'professionalism', 'to be together', 'communication with others', 'joint pleasure', 'better than China', 'not available in China', 'healing', 'the feeling of happiness and love', 'easy access to art', 'wonderful life shot', 'beautiful interior', 'special design', 'expectation', 'close to nature', and 'nice daily-life decoration') were derived and 4 main constructs ('a sense of accomplishment', 'Korean culture visit', 'teacher's high-quality service', and 'professionalism') of the consensus map were analyzed. Therefore, the Korean floral arrangement courses for chinese tourists should open an adjustable level of difficulty of curriculum, offer an opportunity to experience other Korean culture and increase florist's abilities from various aspects.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.415-455
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• 2019

This paper aimed to clarify the identity and category of the Jeong Jeongnyeol-je Chunhyangga from the perspective of the pansori transfer, while revealing the trajectory of Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je Chunhyangga, which remains in the modern pansori. Jeong Jeong-ryeol's Chunhyangga pansori part has been handed out to date, and except for the love song section, the pansori section, which corresponds to the love-separate-suffering-reunion paragraph, is almost complete. In the case of "Lee Doryeong enters Dongheon," "Hwangneungmyo song," and "The royal secret inspector visits Chunhyang's house to console her", there is a difference in pansori rhythm compared to Chunhyangga, which is currently held. "Why Yi Doryeong came to Chunhyang's House" is used in the form of an Aniri in the current Chunhyangga and "Chunhyang is treated as a virtuous woman in Namwon" is the only one included in Park Rokju's Changbon. "The royal secret inspector gathers people of Namwon to give a feast" is a new part that is not found in Chunhyangga, which is now being held, and can be seen as the Changgeuk sori of pursuing theatrical fun. On the other hand, this paper confirmed that the period between 1936 and 1937, when the Joseon Traditional Vocal Music Group actively performed Changgeuk and the record companies released a series of Changgeuk records, such as and , was an important time for the re-establishment of the Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je Chunhyangga, and that the Chunhyangga of those who had learned it before 1936-1937 was different from those who had learned it after that period. The preceding group includes Park Rok-ju, Kim Yeo-ran and Kim So-hee, while the latter group includes Kim Yeon-soo, Jung Kwang-soo, Park Dong-jin, Jung Kwang-soo and Kang Do-geun. In addition, except for Kim So-hee, these two groups are divided by the time they have learned Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je, whether they inherit the Jeong Jeong-ryeol-je from beginning to end, and by the gender of male and female singers. In teaching his pupils, Jeong Jeong-ryeol chose to use the "old-fashioned pansori" teaching method with impromptu plate-making in mind and the "modern pansori" teaching method with stereotyped sounds in mind. As a result, there were two aspects of Jeong Jeongryeol-je Chunhyangga's succession: a female singer-centered succession, which was held as learned from beginning to end, and a male singer-centered succession, which was held differently depending on the pansori schools or versions.

• Journal of Fashion Business
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.71-83
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• 1997

The purpose of this study is to analyze the present fashion phenomenon by considering the types of street fashion, the center of avant-grade modern fashion, that shows the origination background and special feature concretely. The times was defined through the 1980's from World War II that street style originated, so the range of study was the 1990's when the street style was influenced by that of the past and was revived. The ways of study were to analyze the records of ideology, art and music connected with the street style from World War II to the present when it has risen. The summary of result is as follows. (1) In the 1940's, Zooties was the jet of desire suppressed by African-Americans that couldn't receive favors socially and economically and Hipsters pursued reformative bebop that made up of soft Jazz. In the 1950's, Modernists were running after Cool Jazz to the minimum. In the 1970's, Funk appered in the sexual desire and erotic strength, and was surfaced from Negro Getto. In the 1980's B-boys & Flygirls showed the street style by the scribble art of slum in the New York. As mentioned above, In the 1990's, Acid Jazz influenced by the Jazz of Negro has been the fashion added to the tradition of musical form that come from eclecticism of Jazz tended Neo-Jazz. (2) In the 1940's, Western style dreamed the country life because of rapid urbanization. In the 1950's, Beat obtained the feeling of liberation from the dissolute life and activity. In the 1960's, Psychedelics showed the freedom affected by the Pop-art and Op-art, and Hippies pursued the true individuality as 'love & peace' life style and the return to nature. In the 1990's, Grunge look influenced by the above has been fashion that shows the practical use of second-hand clothing or patchwork contrary to elitism. (3) In the 1940's, Caribbean style appered in the typical textile color with the center of West Indies. In the 1960's, Rude boys showed the magnificence and difficulty of Jamaica, and Rastafarians had a tendency to come back to the ancient civilization of America. In the 1970's, Two-tone was the simple clothing for harmonizing among human races. In the 1990's, Jamaica look influenced by the above has been the Lege fashion introduced to a high fashion, appearing in the special bright color, applique, unique hair style, and so on. (4) In the 1950's, Sufers pursued natural rhythm, getting out of everything. In the 1970' s, Skaters enjoyed the speed on the paved road. In the 1980's, Casuals emphasized the spirit of cooperation of young-things. In the 1990's, Casual look Influenced by the above has been the fashion that forms the activity, function and strong spirit of cooperation by pursuing comfortable life and sports in the tension of life and variety of modern society. (5) It was hard for Bikers to adjust themselves in society after the war. In the 1950's, Coffee bar cowboys were the reckless running boys in the leather jacket. In the 1960's, Rockers created the group originality as disobedient outsiders and Greasers imitated Rolling Stones. In the 1980's, Punks resisted the viewpoint of the old generation in offensive fashion. In the 1990's, Cyberpunk influenced by the above has pursued the classless structure, electronic music and metallic clothing that forebodes gloomily as the computer generation of ultra-modern science times. Accordingly, in understanding a complex modern fashion phenomenon, it was analyzed that the street styles of the past, from World War II to the 1980's, were reflected in that of the 1990's dividing into the five types in a word, namely Acid Jazz, Grunge look, Jamaica look, Casual look and Cyberpunk.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.117-133
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• 2021

The art of the Confucian literati' was mainly centered on literati' painting. Literary paintings combined with poem-writing-painting are based on the literary characters and studies. This is usually based on the technique of Shensi(神似) caused by a hobby accomplishment, enjoying the chinese painting and cherishing with chinese painting. The Confucian literati' cultivated their own character and sublimated humanism to art based on studying. They sought the life of supremacy and supreme gentleness, and enjoyed life on the boundary of pleasure through art. The aim of the Confucian literati' arts lies in the pursuit of expressing the artist's inner world, spirit, and the combination of the Confucian and the Taoism, Because of literati's spirit based on learning, the Confucian literati' arts still exist. The aesthetic of Sunbi Spirit is mainly in the customs of Sunbi, the loyalty of Sunbi, the Silhak(實學) of Sunbi, and loving of the people of Sunbi. We can find honor and loyalty in the Sunbi spirit of the Confucian literati' of the Joseon Dynasty. In addition, it is also possible to observe the loyal troops, the hard work for the country, and the Pung-ryu with nature. In other words, the Sunbi honor, loyalty, loyal troops, pursuit of study and the Pung-ryu show the spirit of the Confucian literati' of Joseon Dynasty. The aesthetic of the Sunbi spirit is in Pung-ryu, loyalty, Silhak, loving of the people etc. The aesthetic of experience of art is mainly based on the aesthetic experience by emotional intelligence and the aesthetic experience according to the individual's inclination. The aesthetic sense actually shows Pung-ryu, loyalty, Silhak and love etc. We can see it in many of our literary paintings. Therefore, the Confucian literati' painting in Chosun Dynasty were the intentionality of the mind and the intentionality of the spare. Furthermore, it has directivity of expressing the artist's inner world, directivity of substance, so it is possible to see that the characteristics of the Sunbi spirit are diverse.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.155-180
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• 2019

Samsaebulhoedo(三世佛會圖) at Yongjusa Temple(龍珠寺), regarded as a monumental masterpiece consisting of different elements such as Confucian and Buddhist ideas, palace academy garden and Buddhist artist styles, unique traditional and western painting styles, is one of the representative works that symbolically illustrate the development and innovation of painting in the late Joseon dynasty. However, the absence of painting inscriptions raised persistent controversy over the past half century among researchers as to the matters of estimating its production period, identifying the original author and analyzing style characteristics. In the end, the work failed to gain recognitions commensurate with its historical significance and value. It is the particularly vital issue in that estimating the production period of the existing masterpiece is the beginning of all other discussions. However, this issue has caused the ensuing debates since all details are difficult to be interpreted to a concise form due to a number of different records on painters and mixture of traditional buddhist painting styles used by buddhist painters and innovative western styles used by ordinary painters. Contrary to other ordinary Buddhist paintings, this painting, Samsaebulhoedo, has a praying letter for the royal establishment at the center of the main altar. It should be noted that regarding this painting, its original version-His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince主上殿下, 王妃殿下, 世子邸下-was erased and instead added Her Love Majesty慈宮邸下 in front of Her Majesty. This praying letter can be assumed as one of the significant and objective evidence for estimating its production period. The new argument of the late 19th century production focused on this praying letter, and proposed that King Sunjo was then the first-born son when Yongjusa Temple was built in 1790 and it was not until January 1, 1800 that he was ascended to the Crown Prince. In this light, the existing praying letter with the eulogistic title-Crown Prince世子-should be considered revised after his ascension to the throne. Styles and icons bore some resemblance to Samsaebulhoedo at Cheongryongsa Temple or Bongeunsa Temple portrayed by Buddhist painters in the late 19th century. Therefore, the remaining Samsaebulhoedo should be depicted by them in the same period as western styles were introduced in Buddhist painting in later days. Following extensive investigations, praying letters in Buddhist paintings in the late 19th century show that it was usual to record specification such as class, birth date and family name of people during the dynasty at the point of producing Buddhist paintings. It is easy to find that those who passed away decades ago cannot be revised to use eulogistic titles as seen by the praying letters in Samsaebulhoedo at Yongju Temple. As "His Royal Highness King, Her Majesty, His Royal Crown Prince" was generally used around 1790 regardless of the presence of first-born son or Crown Prince, it was rather natural to write the eulogistic title "His Royal Crown Prince" in the praying letter of Samsaebulhoedo. Contrary to ordinary royal hierarchy, Her Love Majesty was placed in front of Her Majesty. Based on this, the praying letter was assumed to be revised since King Jeongjo placed royal status of Hyegyeonggung before the Queen, which was an exceptional case during King Jeongjo's reign, due to unusual relationships among King Jeongjo, Hyegyeonggung and the Queen arising from the death of Crown Prince(思悼世子). At that time, there was a special case of originally writing a formal tripod praying letter, as can be seen from ordinary praying letter in Buddhist paintings, erasing it and adding a special eulogistic title: Her Love Majesty. This indicates that King Jeongjo identified that Hyegyeonggung was erased, and commanded to add it; nevertheless, ceremony leaders of Yongju Temple, built as a palace for holding ceremonies of Hyeonryungwon(顯隆園) are Jeongjo, the son of his father and his wife Hyegyeonggung (Her Love Majesty)(惠慶宮(慈宮)). This revision is believed to be ordered by King Jeongjo on January 17, 1791 when the King paid his first visit to the Hyeonryungwon since the establishment of Hyeonryungwon and Yongju Temple, stopped by Yongju Temple on his way to palace and saw Samsaebulhoedo for the first and last time. As shown above, this letter consisting of special contents and forms can be seen an obvious, objective testament to the original of Samsebulhoedo painted in 1790 when Yongju Temple was built.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.257-290
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• 2021

The Wonju Nongyo (agricultural work song) is geographically classified as eastern minyo (folk song) which has many distinctive, regional features such as tunes, forms and the use of a melodic line. There has been growing attention to the transmission value of the nongyo including the Wonju Eorirang of the Wonju Origol Nongyo and its region of origin. The Wonju Nongyo is of great value and worthy of preservation in the western part of Gangwon Province. For this reason, it seems fairer to say that a focus should be directed towards establishing the identity of the song and increasing the contextualisation of transmission. At the same time, the preservation association's efforts in passing the traditional song down and education activities fairly deserve equal attention. In addition to the way the folk songs are handed down, a discussion on the facilitation of their use will be required. An in-depth discussion about the restoration and use of the song will be encouraged in a multifaceted manner. Unfortunately, few of the previous literatures on nongyo has gone so far as to investigate Arirang as a separate research topic. In fact, the Wonju Origol Nongyo should be viewed as an intangible cultural asset that paved the way for performance artistry of the Korean agricultural work songs to be seen at a national folk art festival. From the perspective of regional characteristics (traditionally termed "tori"), the Wonju Eorirang represents the cultural value of the manners and customs of our locals which constitute unwritten and neglected literary property and musicality of the song. Particularly, a more attention should be paid to making a record of woodcutters and diversity of farmers' small cooperative groups. The existence of the Wonju Eorirang indicates that the melodies to which the song are sung in Nongyo are of infinite variety. A minyo-singer unfolds various journeys of life through various modes and structure of epic chants, ranging from first encounter, love to marriage, realistic problems to relationship with husband's family and death. The epic chant of the Wonju Origol Nongyo contains a rich variety of regional sentiments about life. In particular, the epic chants of the Galtteukgisor and Ssoeltteukgisori are a genius example of sexual satire and a sense of humor. In the past, the agricultural work songs were rhythmic songs served to synchronize physical movements in groups, coordinating tasks in upland farming and rice paddy with the usage of catchy, repetitive verses easy to pass down. The Wonju Origol Nongyo is a precursor of the work songs which took the farming activities a notch higher to be part of the excitement and festivals. In the context of transmission, a festival serves to demonstrate the value of history and life. The value of the Wonju Eorirang should be appreciated and a concerted effort should be made to find a way to facilitate the transmission of the folk song. A folk-singer is a traditional oral poet and a storyteller of minyo and the forms and species of melody solely depend on the signer. The combination of performance and witticism is shown by the singer freely expressing himself. The Origol Nongyo symbolizes ethnic arts cleverly combining playful effects such as tune, rhythm and old agricultural work of the region. It is to be hoped that much of the efforts is directed to designating such folk songs as the archetype of a cultural heritage. In terms of the foundation on which the folk songs are transmitted, the usage(Performance Content) of a community would be an alternative.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.187-195
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• 2021

Nam Nong Heo Geon(1908-1987) re-recognized and re-created the tradition of Korean Namjong painting by excluding Japanese art forms after liberation. He is a great painter in the Korean art world, who has succeeded and developed Korean Namjong Painting in a modern way, pioneering a new field of 'NewNamhwa' with a composition that fuses modern Western style and real scenery. Based on optimism, Namnong's painting world can be divided into three periods: the 'Namnong Sanin' period in the 1930s, the 'Namnongoesa' period from the mid-1940s to the early 1950s, and the 'the owner of Unlimsanbang' period after that. The Namnong Sanin period is a period in which the painting style handed down from the traditional namhwau family of Sochi and Misan is fully acquired, and the Japanese painting style for the exhibition in Seonjeon is reflected, and the local real scenery is treated a lot, and the two styles are mixed. In the Namnong-oesa period, after liberation, a new formativeness was explored in the traditional Namhwa style. In particular, based on the scenery and sentiments of the southern provinces, he focused on local and landscape paintings, depicting real landscapes with lyricism and local love, while expressing subjects with fast brush strokes, a worndown writing brush, and dry brushes, along with freehand adjustment of shading. The period of the owner of unlimsanbang is in accordance with the flow of modern art to some extent, but is gradually omitted as a composition full of academic fragrance that draws a meaning befitting traditional painting. I painted a lot of lyrical landscapes and pine trees of sumugdamchae. Namnong named it 'NewNamhwa'. Namnong established 'Namhwa Research Institute' and worked hard to nurture his disciples, where Im-in's son Heomun and Namnong's eldest grandson Heojin practiced, continuing the legacy of the 5th generation Unlimsanbang painter.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.22-53
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• 2020

This paper analyzes the contents, characteristics, and historical significance of the dedicatory inscriptions (josanggi) on the Amitabha Buddha and the Maitreya Bodhisattva statues of Gamsansa Temple, two masterpieces of Buddhist sculpture from the Unified Silla period. In the first section, I summarize research results from the past century (divided into four periods), before presenting a new perspective and methodology that questions the pre-existing notion that the Maitreya Bodhisattva has a higher rank than the Amitabha Buddha. In the second section, through my own analysis of the dedicatory inscriptions, arrangement, and overall appearance of the two images, I assert that the Amitabha Buddha sculpture actually held a higher rank and greater significance than the Maitreya Bodhisattva sculpture. In the third section, for the first time, I provide a new interpretation of two previously undeciphered characters from the inscriptions. In addition, by comparing the sentence structures from the respective inscriptions and revising the current understanding of the author (chanja) and calligrapher (seoja), I elucidate the possible meaning of some ambiguous phrases. Finally, in the fourth section, I reexamine the content of both inscriptions, differentiating between the parts relating to the patron (josangju), the dedication (josang), and the prayers of the patrons or donors (balwon). In particular, I argue that the phrase "for my deceased parents" is not merely a general axiom, but a specific reference. To summarize, the dedicatory inscriptions can be interpreted as follows: when Kim Jiseong's parents died, they were cremated and he scattered most of their remains by the East Sea. But years later, he regretted having no physical memorial of them to which to pay his respects. Thus, in his later years, he donated his estate on Gamsan as alms and led the construction of Gamsansa Temple. He then commissioned the production of the two stone sculptures of Amitabha Buddha and Maitreya Bodhisattva for the temple, asking that they be sculpted realistically to reflect the actual appearance of his parents. Finally, he enshrined the remains of his parents in the sculptures through the hole in the back of the head (jeonghyeol). The Maitreya Bodhisattva is a standing image with a nirmanakaya, or "transformation Buddha," on the crown. As various art historians have pointed out, this iconography is virtually unprecedented among Maitreya images in East Asian Buddhist sculpture, leading some to speculate that the standing image is actually the Avalokitesvara. However, anyone who reads the dedicatory inscription can have no doubt that this image is in fact the Maitreya. To ensure that the sculpture properly embodied his mother (who wished to be reborn in Tushita Heaven with Maitreya Bodhisattva), Kim Jiseong combined the iconography of the Maitreya and Avalokitesvara (the reincarnation of compassion). Hence, Kim Jiseong's deep love for his mother motivated him to modify the conventional iconography of the Maitreya and Avalokitesvara. A similar sentiment can be found in the sculpture of Amitabha Buddha. To this day, any visitor to the temple who first looks at the sculptures from the front before reading the text on the back will be deeply touched by the filial love of Kim Jiseong, who truly cherished the memory of his parents.