Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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v.11
no.1
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pp.54-70
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2005
The purpose of this study is to clarify motives, itinerary and general patterns associated with the traveling of the upper class in the Chosun Dynasty based on twenty travel accounts of Mt. Chungryang. In addition, previous studies were referred to in order to compare these trips to Mt. Chungryang with those which were undertaken to Mt. Kumgang so as to identify the unique characteristics of those involved with the trips to Mt. Chungryang and of these trips in themselves. Through this process, unique characteristics, such as the travelers' academic backgrounds and place of origin, as well as how these travelers' relationship with their teachers influenced the motivation for these trips were uncovered, as were the processes through which travel schedules and companions were selected. Moreover, the researcher identified similarities and differences between the travel of Mt. Chungryang and Mt. Kumgang in terms of the travelers' motivation for the trip, the transportation methods they employed, and the kind of accommodation they sought. Moreover while similarities were also uncovered with regards to the travel practices of the literati class during this time, differences emerged in terms of their travel dates and schedules.
Based on travel literatures written by the Joseon literati, the different picture of seventeenth- and eighteenth-century Buseok monastery from the one today emerges. Not only do the buildings removed from the monastery today reappear, but the quite different way of the monastic operation comes to light. This observation leads to a speculation that the monastery was functionally and spatially divided into two territories; that of the Immeasurable life hall and of the Dharma hall. The Immeasurable life hall's precinct was built at the site open to the west providing a grand vista of mountainous area. This siting, originally having a close relation with the visualization such as the Sixteen contemplation, not simply gave such a special attraction that the first built architectural composition has lasted through the centuries to the late Joseon, but also granted to the Chwiweon pavilion located at the western side of the precinct a special meditative quality. As the monastery has suffered from a number of heavy duties in the Joseon period, the architectural attraction of the precinct was mobilized to promote the monastic identity as the legitimate monastery first built by Uisang, the founder of Hwaeom Buddhsim. Especially, the Chwiweon pavilion offered a mental space so that the literati might form an affirmative attitude toward the monastery and the monks. The Dharma hall's precinct was built based on the direct replication of the architectural layout presented in liturgy books for the Water and Land rite as well as the Vulture Peak rite. This layout is generally called the Court-type enclosed by four buildings, which has been widely fashioned in the late Joseon period. This characteristic gave to the Dharma hall precinct an arbitrary and anonymous quality, which helped not only avoid the tourism of the literati, but also secure the sacrality and ritual efficacy at occasions of Buddhist rites. This division of territories of the monastery can be understood as the strategic reaction from the monks in order to survive in the age of oppression against Buddhism. In result, the identity of Buseok monastery in the late Joseon was established as the Nine-rank sanctuary where Bodhisattvas permanently resided.
The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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v.8
no.5
/
pp.235-240
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2022
Donggang Su-ho Jo(1924-2016, hereinafter referred to as "Donggang") was a calligrapher and literarti painter who was active in recent times. When he survived, he was called the first teacher respected by all in the field of world calligraphy. His perception of beauty is due to the art view embodied by human instinct. In particular, he considered writing and painting as art of contact(接), which means connecting. Therefore, the meaning of contact(接), is recognized as a kiss between men and women or love affair(雲雨之情). In this way, his literarti painting originated from a wide range of concerns and quests for art. He recognized the principle of art creation from a universal and general perspective on beauty. Based on this, the significance of true artistic spirit and art philosophy was established. If you observe the literarti painting of the Donggang with bamboo's literati painting and orchid's literiti painting, his bamboo's literati painting has the aesthetics of lusterless(無潤), and difficulty obscurity(苦澁). His orchid's literati painting is appreciated refinement(雅) and harmony(韻) made vulgar appearance(俗). His character and scolarship became his literarti painting.
In the Joseon Dynasty, Confucian literati sacralized their daily lives through ritual practices across the three dimensions of time, place, and humanity. 1) In the dimension of time, they cultivated in their personal lives by accepting and thoroughly practicing the ethical principles of the Elementary Learning (『小學』). These practices of self-cultivation developed into ritualized practices of daily routine from the perspective of neo-Confucianism. 2) In the spatial dimension, local public schools (鄕校), local private academies (書院), and village private schools (書塾) were constructed as the symbolic places for disseminating Confucian norms through intensive seminar activities and collective learning sessions (講會). These places were also used for the pious recitations of selected Confucian proverbs that had been ritualized by Confucian literati. 3) In the dimension of humanity, pious consciousness, reinforced by the ritualized practice of periodic sacrifices or intensive reading, was subconsciously deepened and projected onto dreams individuals reported of their deceased fathers or teachers. According to the Confucian ritualization process, people were seen as being able to sanctify their daily lives by thoroughly internalizing and effectively realizing Confucian values.
The academia has always maintained a strong interest in Fu Sheng Liu Ji since it was known to the world. However, current studies mostly focused on English versions translation, classification of works genres, the Image of the heroine Chen Yun, and depicting, which based on content of the works, the life of the lower literati in the mid-Qing Dynasty, yet no systematic discussion on the characteristic construction of memorial space has been carried out. Although real life was used as writing material, a careful reading will reveal that Shen Fu, the author, had the memories significantly split and reassembled, which was achieved through the repetition of fragmentary memory spaces. The intentionally constructed characters of these memory spaces, along with their combinations, and the mentality of the lower literati in the mid-Qing Dynasty are all worthy of further study, these aspects and their relations were discussed in this paper. The second chapter summarized, classified and described the types of memory spaces in the works. Two typical memory spaces were appeared, semi-closed dotted space and open linear space. The former was mainly in Gui Fang Ji Le and Xian Qing Ji Qu while the latter was in Kan Ke Ji Chou and Lang You Ji Kuai. The following discussion was on Shen Fu's deliberately disconnecting the time chain, and the narrative ways of categorizing and linking these memory spaces. The third chapter revealed the mentality of the lower-class literati in the mid-Qing Dynasty, which hidden behind the special construction mode of Shen Fu's memory spaces, was believed as a "active marginalization", and specifically manifested in defending the private space, as well as resisting the social space. Therefore, the paper holds that Fu Sheng Liu Ji is not a record of Shen Fu's life, but a deliberate cutting and reorganizing of the memory spaces, and his active marginalization mentality contributes to the construction of such groups of memory spaces.
Park, Sang-Young;Kwon, Oh-Min;Ahn, Sang-Young;Ahn, Sang-Woo
Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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v.14
no.2
/
pp.21-25
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2008
This study investigates the life of Benjamin Hobson(合信, 1816.1.2-1873.2.13)-the writer of five books of western medicine which influenced the establish of "ShinGiCheonHeom(身機踐驗)"-in order to expand our base to study "ShinGiCheonHeom". Findings and results of the investigation are as follows. 1. Treatise on Physiology("全體新論") excited a deeper interest among the Chinese literati and was so eagerly sought after that a reprint of it was made for sale. The income of works of Hobson's probably excited a deeper interest among the Korean literati also. 2. We found Hobson had written many works. Among those we must pay attention to A Medical Vocabulary in English and Chinese("醫學英華字釋"). Through this book we can reach agreeable translation of "ShinGiCheonHeom". 3. Evangelism and philanthropism promoted activities of Hobson as a doctor and as a an introducer of western medicine. But ignorance of oriental medicine-Hobson thought medical science in China was at a low level-lied in these activities and passion to do it. Nowadays we must wipe out thought of this way through the scientific way.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
/
v.25
no.2
/
pp.104.2-104.2
/
1997
Ji Cheng''''s great work on garden design theory, the ''''Yuanye'''', written in 1631 and originally published in 1634 is the first surviving treatise and most famous and comprehensive work on the suvject in the Chinese tradition. He constructed Dongdiyuan in Changzhou about 1623, Wuyuan in Yizheng in 1631, and Yingyuan in Yangzhou about 1634. But no poems and paintings written by him still exist, and none of his known gardens has survived. Therefore his design philosophy is able to be interpreted only by his work, Yuanye. This study aims at investigating the garden design theory in Yuanye. The results were summarized as follows. 1) Yuanye reflected the garden tastes of literati, and Ji Cheng endeavored to express the deas of literati painting into gardens. 2) The essence of the garden design theory is Xingzao, and Yindi, following the existing lie of the land, and Jiejing, to borrow from the scenery, are two major activities of Xingzao. 3) Ji Cheng''''s design theory build up on the basis of recognizing the existence of masters. 4) Yindi is the environmental and ecological planning and design method. This is the activity to reach the state of artistry through suitability. 5) Jiejing is not merely borrowing the landscape but the making use of scenery around the garden. And only the master has the skill in fitting in with the form of the land. 6) Ji Cheng pursuits the garden which will look like something naturally created though manmade. It is the goal of the Chinese traditional gardens and ideal situation. 7) Ji Cheng aims to unify the environment and landscape design dialectically into Xingzao.
Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
/
v.25
no.2
/
pp.117-134
/
1997
Ji Cheng's great work on garden design theory, the 'Yuanye', written in 1631 and originally published in 1634 is the first surviving treatise and most famous and comprehensive work on the suvject in the Chinese tradition. He constructed Dongdiyuan in Changzhou about 1623, Wuyuan in Yizheng in 1631, and Yingyuan in Yangzhou about 1634. But no poems and paintings written by him still exist, and none of his known gardens has survived. Therefore his design philosophy is able to be interpreted only by his work, Yuanye. This study aims at investigating the garden design theory in Yuanye. The results were summarized as follows. 1) Yuanye reflected the garden tastes of literati, and Ji Cheng endeavored to express the deas of literati painting into gardens. 2) The essence of the garden design theory is Xingzao, and Yindi, following the existing lie of the land, and Jiejing, to borrow from the scenery, are two major activities of Xingzao. 3) Ji Cheng's design theory build up on the basis of recognizing the existence of masters. 4) Yindi is the environmental and ecological planning and design method. This is the activity to reach the state of artistry through suitability. 5) Jiejing is not merely borrowing the landscape but the making use of scenery around the garden. And only the master has the skill in fitting in with the form of the land. 6) Ji Cheng pursuits the garden which will look like something naturally created though manmade. It is the goal of the Chinese traditional gardens and ideal situation. 7) Ji Cheng aims to unify the environment and landscape design dialectically into Xingzao.
Suk Dang Kim Sangjeong (1722-1788) was one of the Big Three Noron literati of the mid-18th century, and is an author worth taking note of in that he expressed the duty to pursue the Qin-Han gomoon-ron (古文論) more clearly and radically than anyone else. The literary debates that unfolded in the letters he exchanged with Ahn Doje (安道濟) and Sin Daejeon (申大傳) are the clues that may explain the continual development of Qin-Han gomoon-ron within Joseon. His gomoon-ron is a self-reflection of the Dang-Song gomoon-ron that continued as tradition in the Noron literati after Kim Changhyeop (金昌協), and also reflects his literary and periodical confidence. At the same time, he also makes a distinction with Qin-Han gomoon-ron set forth by the Seven Masters literature from the Ming Dynasty (前後七子) in that he takes precautions against plagiarism and emulation. It has rarely been shown that his sentences plagiarize and excessively cite the classics, or that he abstrusely elaborates sentences. He sorted through things of value worth recording and cleanly reenacted them based on the scenes and conversations, further, delivered applicable normative lessons through allegoric writing. This may be discussed as the portions that are possessed by the Qin-Han gomoon-ron that he pursued, and particularly that have the esthetic and contact point of historical prose. Kim Sangjeong's writing pursued the Qin-Han gomoon-ron of a prior era, and though distinguishable from authors of difficult writings, possesses unique characteristics that make it distinct from the Dang-Song gomoon-ron that focuses on argument. The direction of Kim Sangjeong's antiquarianism seeks after imperial loyalty, and is mutually intelligible with the artistic discourse of the Noron Cheongryu literati such as Lee Yunyeong, Kim Sangsuk, Lee Insang, and Hong Naksun who preferred archaeological finds and classical prose. While their literary tastes are a reflection of their conservative worldviews, they may also have been utilized as a foundation supporting their lives which were devoted to literature.
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