• Korean Journal of Health Education and Promotion
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.77-95
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• 2005

Objectives: This study measured the extent of local legislators' support for tobacco control policies and identified the predictors of that. Methods: Local legislators, from 21 Gu in Seoul Metropolitan City, underwent a self-administrated questionaire during the 6-week period from December 1, 2004 to January 15, 2005. Multiple linear regression model was used to assess relationships between five groups of variables(political factors including political ideology, personal characteristics, tobacco experiences, tobacco knowledge, contact with local health officers) and support for tobacco control policies based on an 11-item scale. Results: The rates of support for 'penalizing merchants who sell cigarettes to minors' and 'instituting a law mandating that parents should not smoke in a car when children are present' were highest as 87.5% and 82.0% respectively, and those for 'increasing price of cigarettes' and 'regulating stores that sell cigarettes' were lowest as 52.2% and 51.7% respectively. Support was higher among local legislators who thought government had a duty to promote healthy life styles, knew second-hand smoke could cause lung cancer, knew tobacco caused more deaths than alcohol. Support among ex-smokers and nonsmokers was higher than current smokers. Conclusions: The findings indicate that local legislators who oppose tobacco control measures may not be opposed to tobacco control per se, but are more generally opposed to a government role in health promotion, Thus, Tobacco control advocates need to be more attentive to the way tobacco control issues are framed for particular legislators. Further, they could work to increase tobacco knowledge among local legislators.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.159-185
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• 2009

This study aims to examine whether committee preference and negotiation group affiliation have an effect on proposals and passages of legislators' bills. Previous studies points out predominances and reflections of partisan interests, but analytic result shows legislators' preferences work on introductions and passages of bills through committee and negotiation group as assembly institutions. The rates of proposals and passages were high in the committee that legislators would like to belong to. The same result was found in negotiation group affiliation. However, active activities of legislators works in only their committees, not in a general meeting. This result shows that committee and negotiation group are significant institutions of national assembly.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.61-64
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• 2013

In 2008, Taiwan adopted a new mixed member system which is significantly different from the long-implemented SNTV-MMD system for the election of legislators. The new system cuts the number of legislative seats from 225 to 113, extends legislators' terms of office from three years to four, and most importantly, adopts a new mixed-member majoritarian (MMM) electoral system to replace the SNTV system for legislative elections. The election of legislators in 2008 was the first time that this new mixed electoral system was implemented in Taiwan. Mainstream literature continues to discuss the electoral impact on political parties and candidates by the new system while citizens' knowledge of the new system and its concomitant effects on citizens' behavior receive less attention. Worse still, almost all of the literature assumes that voters were fully aware of the operation and impact of the new electoral system and cast their ballots wisely. The purpose of this paper is to explore citizen's perceptions, participation and evaluation of this new system.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.18 no.9
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• pp.433-440
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• 2018

I investigated whether network structure of legislators affects legislative performance in a cosponsorship network. I presented the theoretical basis with network closure and structural holes, and analyzed the network in the 19th National Assembly of Republic of Korea. In the directed and weighted network, each tie means that cosponsors support the bill sponsors proposed. The performance was measured by the number of initiatives and the ratio of reflected legislation, and the network structure was measured by size, density, hierarchy, and constraint. I found that the legislators with brokerage structure have a lot of initiatives in making connection with many legislators in various groups and the legislators with hierarchical structure have the higher ratio of reflected legislation with the continuous and strong support from the members of their group. I also found that the network of ruling party lawmaker is more hierarchical than the network of opposition lawmaker.

• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.103-110
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• 2014

In study we analyze the network about the legislators in Korean National Assembly. We focused on 17th National Assembly since there were full of important changes in composition. Mutual cooperation is necessary to pass the bills beyond their given mission in legislation. In order to find out the relationship of legislators based on the introducing bills, total 5728 bills in 17th National Assembly, we used bipartite network projection. We can find who is a highly influential legislator and the difference between a ruling party and a main opposition party in aspects of cooperative behavior.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.11-25
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• 2014

The purpose of this study is analyzing the network of the National Assembly based on the bill data in 18th, 19th National Assembly lawmakers submit to Committees. By using bipartite projection we find out a strong committee and understand the relationship of committees. We focused on bills that ten or more of the legislators propose and compare between the first opposition party and the ruling party, which accounts for more than 80% of the overall structure of the National Assembly. We point out an influential legislator and committee in the network. This result presents which committees and lawmakers have a significant effect on process of legislation. This work gives a reasonable source as qualified to judge whether the committee and legislators group enact positively or not.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.225-237
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• 1997

This study was conducted to the cognition and attitude for internal and external organizational behavior of health centers staff. An analytical model employed in this study was developed by modifying 'organizational behavior model'. Data was collected a mail survey of officers at health center, including 66 directors and 1,768 staffs of the health centers in southern region. The major findings are as follows : Among directors of the health centers 47% of them stated that legislators and chief executive officer(CEO) of local governments are highly concerned about the public health program. However only 15.2% of health center directors reported that legislators and CEO put public health high priority. For leadership type of directors 39.0% of them was classified as controller, 30.3% as participant, 22.7% entertaining and 7.6% comprehending. Regarding sociopsychological characteristics of the health center staffs, about a quarter of them had high degree of group cohesion, while 10.7% had low degree. Those staffs who are older, high educational level, or working in the rural health centers showed higher degree of cohesion than those who are young, low educational level, or working in urban health center. A third of them were less likely to be satisfied by what they are doing at the health centers. The higher educational level, the likely to be satisfied by what they are doing at the health centers. The higher educational level, the more satisfied with their job. Considering these results, policy implication was discussed and suggested. It is suggested that educational efforts be made to improve leadership of the health center directors and concern with public health program by the CEOs and legislators of local governments.

• Journal of Preventive Medicine and Public Health
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• v.39 no.4
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• pp.365-370
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• 2006

Objectives: The purpose of this study was to investigate the differences in smoking rates according to the major occupational categories in South Korea. Methods: The study subjects were a weighted sample of 24,495 men and 26,121 women aged 25-64 from the 2003 Social Statistics Survey, which was conducted by the Korea National Statistical Office. Occupation was classified according to the Korean Standard Occupation Classification. We computed the age-standardized smoking rates according to gender and occupations after adjusting for the education level, marital status, and self-rated health. Results: For men, the smoking rate in elementary occupations was two times higher than that of clerks (OR=1.98, 95% CI=1.74-2.26). In general, a more prestigious job(professionals) correlated with lower smoking rates, and less prestigious jobs correlated with higher smoking rates, except for legislators, senior officials and managers. For women, smoking among service workers was 4.1 times higher than among clerical workers (OR=4.11, 95% CI=2.87-5.88). For women, their occupations, except elementary workers, and the unemployed, the retired and the armed forces, failed to show significant differences in smoking compared with the clerical workers. After adjusting for education, occupational differences in the smoking rate for men were attenuated in most occupations, except for legislators, professionals, and technicians. Further adjustment for marital status and self-rated health had a minimal effect on the occupational differences in the smoking rate for men. For women workers with service or elementary occupations, the ORs of smoking were attenuated with adjustment of the educational levels. However, the ORs of smoking were increased in workers with service, sales or elementary occupations, as well as for legislators, and the unemployed, the retired and the armed forces, after additionally adjusting for marital status. Conclusions: More prestigious jobs generally correlated with lower smoking rates in both sexes. The anti-tobacco policy should consider smoking rate differentials by occupations.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.55 no.2
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• pp.91-110
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• 2021

In the face of the prolonged Covid-19, this study conducted a network analysis to propose the policy direction for the Korean National Assembly to go forward. Using COVID-19 news articles, various types of networks were created and analyzed for the parliamentary activities of the Korean National Assembly related to Covid-19. Specifically, we utilize the co-occurrence and keyword information to generate two types of parliamentary networks: co-occurrence-based network and content-based network. In addition, a topic keyword-driven parliamentary network was constructed by using topic modeling. The results of the study are as follows. First, lawmakers in the ruling party had a wide range of topics regarding Covid-19, while lawmakers from other political parties had a limited number of issues covered. Next, a few representative legislators were identified as influential actors in most of the centrality indicators. Based on the research results, cooperation on diverse agendas related to Covid-19 should be promoted between lawmakers from various political parties. And representative legislators from both major parties should play a crucial role as intermediaries to increase communication between them.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.67-88
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• 2009

This study aims at examining what factors have an effect on congressional voting behaviors. In particular, the study closely investigates the Whole Reform Bill on the Law of Local Educational Self-Governing because the bill attracts a lot of attentions. Above all, the bill contains direct election of superintendents of educational affairs and members of a board of education. Likewise, the education committee is converted into a standing committee of the local assembly due to the passage of the bill. The reason the study mainly focuses on the bill is because in general, bills on the floor are approved with significant high in favor; however, the bill was passed with opposition. The study examines factors having an influence on legislators' voting decision. Statistical results show that the ruling party played a significant role in passing the bill. Also, the results exhibit that legislators with high careers and proportional members were in favor of the bill compared with other legislators. Although the study examined only particular bill passed by the National Assembly, it gave an opportunity to look at voting behaviors of legislators. Hopefully, the study contributes to the understanding of congressional voting behaviors.