• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.101-134
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• 2018

This study examines the effects of members' legislative performance on their renominations in the $19^{th}$ Korean National Assembly. We measure how many bills each member has proposed and passed in the Assembly. In addition, we also include rate of passing bills as an indicator of legislative performance. Particularly, we analyze 320 members in total, and 270 members who got in on the competition for nomination separately. The empirical findings of our study show that, firstly, among the total members in the Assembly, as they propose bills more and pass bills fewer, they are more likely to be renominated in the very next election. However, this is a result of different types of members rather than legislative performance. Secondly, among the members who actually competed for renomination, the legislative performance of members can not affect their renomination. Therefore, we argue that it is necessary to stipulate nominations criteria and transform top-down nomination method to bottom-up one in order to raise responsiveness and enhance representative democracy.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.187-217
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• 2009

The purpose of this study is to analyze whether there is gender difference in Members' voting on women's issue bills, and to find out determinants of Members voting decisions on the same bills. The findings are as follows. First, there is no gender difference in women's issue voting, so women Members as a group were not significantly different from men Members in voting behavior. That's not because women Members were split in voting but because both men and women Members are very supportive of the bills. Secondly, Members' party and ideology play a significant role in Member' voting on women's issue. Compared to the majority party(Uri party)'s overwhelming support, minority parties are much less supportive on the issues. Member's ideology also proved to be important indicator of voting decision. The more ideologically liberal Members are, the more supportive of the bills.

• Journal of the Korean BIBLIA Society for library and Information Science
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.311-335
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• 2020

This study was conducted to suggest the ways of improving legislative information services in the National Assembly Library based on the information needs of the legislative support organization arising from the legislation process done by the National Assembly Members. For the purpose, 20 users of legislative support organizations were interviewed in depth. Based on the analysis of the results, the study suggested the improvement proposals in the areas of services and system. Service improvement reflected the information needs of overseas legislative cases, the need for supplementing policy information, and the areas that need to be promoted Second, in the area of system improvement, it was proposed to raise the service awareness of the legal information system centered on foreign legal information and to operate personalized service that can provide differentiated information services for each legislative support organization.

• Journal of the Korean Society for information Management
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.1-22
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• 2020

The legislative cosponsorship network shows the legislative process of the National Assembly through the relationship between the members of the National Assembly formed by cosponsorship. This study focused on the library bill proposed during the 19th National Assembly term, and conducted the cosponsorship network analysis, the centrality analysis of actors of the National Assembly, and a subgroup analysis of keyword-centric networks. As the result of the study, the library bill's cosponsorship network was segmented according to political parties, and lawmakers who played an intermediary role in close proximity to other political party members had an important influence on the network. When restructured into a keyword-oriented network, the network structure segmented into political parties improved as members of different parties shared the same keywords and formed subgroups. Based on the results, it was suggested that a strategy for spreading and sharing policy issues based on core keywords rather than library legislation, centered on lawmakers who play a mediating role between parties, is needed to activate library legislation.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.85-123
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• 2020

Under representative democracy, members of the National Assembly exercise their authority to propose, enact, and revise bills on behalf of the people, and the legislation of such lawmakers has a great impact on individuals and society. There exist criticisms that the quality of legislator-sponsored bills has not improved while the number of them has been expanding recently. This study examines the type, productivity, and efficiency of legislation in the 17~19th National Assembly, and empirical analysis is conducted on how the lawmaker's legislations respond to election-related variables such as voter turnout and election competition. The results show that legislator-sponsored bills are mainly produced in the area of governance, finance, macroeconomic policy, social welfare, and health. The number of legislator's proposals increases, while the passing rate decreases, and the processing period extends. Constituents' participation in voting has been shown to enhance legislative efficiency. Based on the results, the paper emphasizes the enhancement of transparency in the legislative process, the improvement of the people's political knowledge, and the revitalization of election functions for the improvement of parliamentary legislation.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.5-38
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• 2009

This study analyzes the relationship since 1988 between National Assembly, president and political parties in Korea, and to find critical conditions for developing a mutually beneficial relationship among them. It argues that the levels of both internal power concentration and cohesiveness(or discipline) of political parties matter greatly, and applies them as theoretical framework for the historical review. By 2002, major political parties were highly concentrated in power and their discipline was strong. Consequently parties fought collectively with each other and Assemblies repeatedly saw standoffs and deadlocks. Reforms of 2002-04 that sought higher degree of party democracy and more autonomy among members of National Assembly have not been able to bring in a productive legislative-president relationship. A cohesive faction politics under the leadership of (potential) presidential candidates keeps it from growing. This study suggests further democratization of party power and more autonomy to individual Assembly members.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.8
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• pp.559-571
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• 2020

This study was conducted to analyze the effects of person-environment fit on the job performance in the National Assembly legislative support organization. Job performance was classified into task performance, contextual performance, and adaptive performance. Impacts of each factors on the job performance were identified through structural equation model. From the results of analysis, it was confirmed that supplementary fit of officials of legislative support organization of the National Assembly had a positive effect on task performance, contextual performance, and adaptive performance. However, complementary-fit does not directly affect task performance, contextual performance, and adaptive performance. Rather complementary-fit affects job performance by the mediating role of variable self-efficacy. The implications of this study confirm that it is important to match between organization members and jobs in order to improve the job performance of civil servants in the legislative support organization. The necessity of introducing self-efficacy enhancement program into the education and training process of the legislative support organization was proposed.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.87-121
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• 2021

Since 2012, Prime Minister Shinzo Abe'sadministration began to promote women's participation and advancement in the workplace and established the Act on the Promotion of Female Participation and Career Advancement in the Workplace (the Act) in 2015. Some criticize this Act as a way to utilize women for economic development and to deal with the shrinking working population. In contrast, others point out that it is a law that can be beneficial for women. As such, this Act serves as an interesting case of a women's policy promoted by a conservative government. This paper's objective is to shed light on if and how women are substantively represented in the Diet members' statements made during the legislative debate of the bill on the Promotion of Female Participation and Career Advancement in the Workplace between 2014 and 2015. This paper asks two research questions. First, based on the mixed evaluation of the Act made in the studies about the Abe administration's women's policies, this research asks if the Diet members speak of women as resources to use for other economic and social goals or if women are substantively represented. Second, drawing insights from the literature on women's substantive representation, this research asks how Diet members speak for women. Particularly, based on the studies on conservatism and substantive representation of women, this question seeks to determine if Diet members engage in the conservative representation of women, taking women's roles as mothers and wives who provide care for children, husbands, and elders at home for granted. The results of the analysis demonstrate that the number of statements that explicitly claimed to use women was small. Second, while some Diet members of conservative political parties engaged in the conservative representation of women, there were more instances of non-conservative representation, in which a variety of types of women were represented. These findings reveal that even when the conservative government's intention to submit the bill was to utilize women rather than acting for women, Diet members could speak for various types of women and engage in the non-conservative representation of women. The findings also imply the importance of paying attention to formal and informal legislative deliberation rules to figure out how women's substantive representation can occur under a conservative government and in a legislature dominated by conservative parties.

• The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.523-541
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• 2014

We apply a Bayesian estimation procedure to the analysis of roll call voting records on 2,389 bills processed during the 18th Korean National Assembly. The analysis of roll calls yields useful tools for to combining the measurement of legislative preference with the models of legislative behavior. The current Bayesian procedure is extremely exible, applicable to any legislative setting, irrespective of the extremism of the legislator's voting history or the number of roll calls available for analysis. It can be applied to any legislative settings, providing a useful solution to many statistical problems inherent in the analysis of roll call voting records. We rst estimate the ideal points of all members of the 18th National Assembly and their condence intervals. Subsequently, using the estimated ideal points, we examine the factional disparity within each major party using the estimated ideal points. Our results clearly suggest that there exists a meaningful ideological spectrum within each party. We also show how the Bayesian procedure can easily be extended to accommodate theoretically interesting theoretical models of legislative behavior. More specically, we demonstrate how the estimated posterior probabilities can be used for identifying pivotal legislators.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.18
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• pp.247-324
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• 2003

Considering Republic of Korea that is known as the worlds one of the most compact airspace, together with development of technology of aerospace and ever-strengthening weapon systems of aircraft, is, in its reality, in a dire need for more practical infrastructure against any intrusion, of course also being mindful of the situation with the North Korea, to its national airspace or other controlled airspace. Republic of Koreas current legislative regime is unable to effectively respond to such crisis on any legal ground, and responsible government members are relying heavily on relevant military laws and regulations. Naturally, there exists strong possibility of various problems when there occurs an actual intrusion to Koreas airspace and lawful and legal resolution of the aftereffect is demanded. This article categorizes Korean peninsula and its national airspace into various kinds of airspaces; KADIZ; FIR; airspace above EEZ; airspace above contiguous zone; airspace above the high sea, and attempted to research and study these respective categories, given the unique nature of airspace and the current responsive measure. Furthermore, this article will review some of the relevant legislative actions and their sense of direction as solution to the discussed problems.