• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.50 no.3
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• pp.155-169
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to find a policy and to predict the needs of legislative information service of the 20th National Assembly. For this purpose, It is critical to understand the use behavior of legislative information service according to the attribute for the member of the 19th National Assembly. Thus, this study examined the results of reference service of National Assembly Library of Korea using the politics attribute and the relation attribute as independent variables for the member of the National Assembly in the First Half of the 19th National Assembly. Consequently, there were meaningful differences in the use of legislative information service between users by party affiliation, method of an election and introversion. Also, the increased demand of legislative information service was predicted in that the 20th National Assembly is the status of the opposition majority and the three major parties.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.71-80
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• 2014

This study focus on the legislative conflict for Se-Jong City In case of this paper, the law of administration agency centered is based on the conflict of legislative conflict present government at that time suggested the amendment of that legal status because of so many inefficiency and negative effects regardless of opponent asserts. Here there were a deep various political interests fundamentally both of sides. Legislative conflict here affects the regional conflict among the benefits and indirect benefits or nothing in any area. As the result, political interest deeply which was connected in politics influenced the big national issues, not to amend as a result government failure will be come.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.97-106
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• 2021

The issue of controlling police corruption is very important that in terms of public services where police administration is in direct contact with citizens. In this study, individual, organizational, cultural, and legislative factors are classified as independent factor variables that contribute to police corruption, and the effect of these corruption factors on the level of police corruption, and the role of occupational identity and organizational citizenship behavior of police offices in this relationship are analyzed. A survey is conducted on the public citizens for empirical analysis of this study. The results of the empirical analysis are as follows: First, organizational, cultural factors and legal-legislative factors have negative influence on the occupational identity. Second, legislative factors has negative influence on organizational citizenship behavior. Third, organizational, cultural and legislative factors have positive effects on police corruption. Finally, in terms of the effect of corruption factors on organizational citizenship behavior through occupational identity, organizational, cultural and legal-legislative factors had negative mediating effect on it.

• The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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• v.27 no.4
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• pp.523-541
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• 2014

We apply a Bayesian estimation procedure to the analysis of roll call voting records on 2,389 bills processed during the 18th Korean National Assembly. The analysis of roll calls yields useful tools for to combining the measurement of legislative preference with the models of legislative behavior. The current Bayesian procedure is extremely exible, applicable to any legislative setting, irrespective of the extremism of the legislator's voting history or the number of roll calls available for analysis. It can be applied to any legislative settings, providing a useful solution to many statistical problems inherent in the analysis of roll call voting records. We rst estimate the ideal points of all members of the 18th National Assembly and their condence intervals. Subsequently, using the estimated ideal points, we examine the factional disparity within each major party using the estimated ideal points. Our results clearly suggest that there exists a meaningful ideological spectrum within each party. We also show how the Bayesian procedure can easily be extended to accommodate theoretically interesting theoretical models of legislative behavior. More specically, we demonstrate how the estimated posterior probabilities can be used for identifying pivotal legislators.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.171-202
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• 2018

Issue ownership concerns a party's issue handling reputation. When a party is perceived to have the best solution for an issue, voters identify the party as the owner of the issue. Extant literature of issue ownership voting shows that voters tend to vote for a party that they identify as the owner of an issue they concern most. That is, the effect of issue ownership on voting is conditioned by the perceived salience of the issue in question. This study investigates another condition of issue ownership voting: i.e. party behavior in election campaigns. It argues that the effect of issue ownership on voting is conditional: it depends on party behavior as well as issue salience. During the campaign in the 2016 legislative election, only the Democratic Party of Korea, the opposition party at that time, actively presented itself as the owner of economic issues. The analysis results of this study show that the identification of the Democratic Party as the economic issue owner affects voting for the party when a voter thinks the economy to be the most important issue. However, the identification of the other parties as the economic issue owner does not affect voting for them under the same condition. The results support the argument that party behavior as well as issue salience are conditions of issue ownership voting.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.61-64
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• 2013

In 2008, Taiwan adopted a new mixed member system which is significantly different from the long-implemented SNTV-MMD system for the election of legislators. The new system cuts the number of legislative seats from 225 to 113, extends legislators' terms of office from three years to four, and most importantly, adopts a new mixed-member majoritarian (MMM) electoral system to replace the SNTV system for legislative elections. The election of legislators in 2008 was the first time that this new mixed electoral system was implemented in Taiwan. Mainstream literature continues to discuss the electoral impact on political parties and candidates by the new system while citizens' knowledge of the new system and its concomitant effects on citizens' behavior receive less attention. Worse still, almost all of the literature assumes that voters were fully aware of the operation and impact of the new electoral system and cast their ballots wisely. The purpose of this paper is to explore citizen's perceptions, participation and evaluation of this new system.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.69-101
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to verify that voting behavior of congressmen can vary depending on the different candidate selection methods of political parties. Specifically, this paper examines whether congressmen elected through a primary tend to deviate from the party line vote in the floor voting, compared to those who did not. As a result, it was founded that congressmen who went through competition of the primary are more likely to defect from the party line vote than who did not. This empirical evidence suggests that if the introduction of the open primary system is further expanded in the future, it may lead to weakening of party cohesion and reinforcing lawmakers' autonomy.

• Asia pacific journal of information systems
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.189-210
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• 2016

The current study attempts to expand our understanding of the determinants of energy-saving technology (EST) use by focusing on the individual aspects of environmental behaviors. This study integrates the hedonic, normative, and gain goals to explain the causal relationship between users and EST use. By adopting Goal-Framing Theory, this study proposed three individual goal frames in the environmental context: hedonic (perceived pleasurability), normative (social norms), and gain goals (legislative pressure and economic factor). Partial Least Square (PLS) was used to analyze the data from 104 respondents. Eight of the ten hypotheses were strongly supported. We found that social norms, perceived pleasurability, economic factor, and legislative pressure had positive and significant effects on attitude to EST use. Interestingly, we found that media influence did not have a severe effect on perceived pleasurability, and that the economic factor enforces mainly positive attitude to EST. Important theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.187-217
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• 2009

The purpose of this study is to analyze whether there is gender difference in Members' voting on women's issue bills, and to find out determinants of Members voting decisions on the same bills. The findings are as follows. First, there is no gender difference in women's issue voting, so women Members as a group were not significantly different from men Members in voting behavior. That's not because women Members were split in voting but because both men and women Members are very supportive of the bills. Secondly, Members' party and ideology play a significant role in Member' voting on women's issue. Compared to the majority party(Uri party)'s overwhelming support, minority parties are much less supportive on the issues. Member's ideology also proved to be important indicator of voting decision. The more ideologically liberal Members are, the more supportive of the bills.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.21-34
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• 2013

How do mixed legislative systems shape voter behavior and public perceptions? Through an analysis of the electoral systems in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan, this paper evaluates the extent to which the public in these three countries understand their mixed systems and whether claims of voter ignorance translate into irrational voting behavior based on the institutional effects of mixed systems. Through a multi-method approach including data from outside of East Asia, this analysis seeks to determine whether these three cases exhibit patterns consistent with other mixed systems. Empirical analysis affirms levels of strategic voting consistent with comprehension of electoral rules. Furthermore, this analysis suggests a disconnect between practical knowledge and electoral expectations.