• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.157-175
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• 2020

This paper presents the work of Southeast Asian scholar Ramon Guillermo. Using sophisticated computer-aided methods, Guillermo approaches a range of topics in the wide fields of social sciences and the humanities. A creative writer as well as an activist, Guillermo grounds his studies in nationalism and Marxism. Particularly interested in Indonesian and Philippine society and culture, Guillermo engages with the writings of labor leaders Tan Malaka and Lope K. Santos, translations of Marx's Capital into Bahasa and Filipino, and studies as well the discursive and historical connections between the Communist Parties of both countries. The paper aims to introduce the innovations of Guillermo's studies, particularly in the fields of cultural studies and translation studies. The type of cultural studies Guillermo practices is empirical, taking inspiration from innovations done in the digital humanities. Guillermo is most opposed to trendy, fashion-seeking approaches that are not grounded on history. He reserves particular ire for "hip" postcolonialism, and instead praises studies that are founded on politics and materialism. In translation studies, Guillermo goes beyond the mere cataloguing of mistakes. For him, it is the mistakes and "perversities" of a translation that is interesting and illuminating. Guillermo himself is a translator, and the paper ends with a brief discussion of his production in this field.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.13 no.6
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• pp.651-673
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• 2007

In the studies on residential move, there has been tendency of dichotomy where short distance moves are largely caused by housing to adjust to changes in households while long distance moves are induced by shift in labor market. However, some empirical studies have proven that residential move is so complex process that the simple dichotomy should be elaborated. In this sense, the present study seeks to identify compounded course of residential move in Korea. In determining migration history, families with younger householders, renters, householders with higher educational attainment and smaller households show a higher probability to move. In case of mobility, women were more prone to move compared to man. Women compared to man, older age augmented the probability to own a house after migration. Families with householders following an occupation of sales and technical service showed lowest tendency to own houses while it marked the highest in the group of professionals. Higher land price of a region was negatively related to owning houses after migration. The present study revealed that factors in macro level as well as micro level significantly affect the move of individuals with varying effects in accordance with migration history.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.38
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• pp.189-220
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• 2013

In this paper, the discussion on Yin and Yang and the Five Elements in Mohism is examined through the comparison with Hundred Schools of Thought. The ideas of School of Naturalists including Zou Yan or those of the Five Elements were fundamentally for the purpose of observing the regularity of changing dynasty. However, this perspective had not been emphasized as a subject of Contention of a Hundred Schools of Thought until the end of the Era of Warring States. Even though it is true that Hundred Schools of Thought applied the theory of Yin and Yang and the Five Elements in common based on the understanding of the idea, but it failed to be connected to each ideological system. The fundamental reason for this can be found in the difference between the awareness of a reality and the concept of history in Hundred Schools of Thought. Where were the characteristics and reasonable opinions of the theory of Yin and Yang and the Five Elements in Mohism from? The most important feature of Mohism is to form independent, collective, cooperative groups based on the people of lower classes at that time and to consider God an ideological presumption. Therefore, in reality, it concentrated only on sociopolitical stability and maintenance of their own labor activities, and it was difficult for them to focus on an objective regularity of a national system or change of dynasty. In addition, due to the characteristics of individual groups, it was hard to have a macroscopic viewpoint not only on a national system, but also on others as in Zou Yan's Dae-gu-ju-seol(大九州說). With respect to this, at least, Xunzi, before the unification, gives a valid criticism. In the end, the effort to design a new political system and to secure ideological legitimacy on the assumption of the unification of the nations of the Warring States period became more specific through the edition of $L{\ddot{u}}shi$ Chunqiu (呂氏春秋), so-called Mixed School(雜家) or Synthesized School(綜合家).

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.29 no.1
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• pp.185-207
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• 2006

Predominant explanations of the persistence of sex segregation ill occupations link job choices to profoundly gendered responses to childbearing and other family demands, arguing that women are more likely to seek jobs which are in some sense compatible with motherhood, either because they are family friendly (flexible, low intensity work) or because they are easy to exit and re-enter. In this paper, I examine the effect of occupational sex segregation on job exits into the labor market among women, with a special attention to the role of childbearing and child rearing. I use data from detailed employment histories gathered from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY) in continuous time event history models. My results indicate that women in female dominated jobs are less likely to exit their jobs than women in other types of occupations. Further this relationship is not shaped by motherhood. While mothers or pregnant women are more likely to leave work, mothers in female-dominated occupations are slightly less likely to leave employment than mothers in other occupations. These results are not consistent with the ideas that women's choice of female-dominated occupations expresses a gendered identity and women strategically seek jobs which accommodate maternal roles. Taken together, my findings do not provide support to the idea that women choose female-dominated occupations because they are easier to integrate with motherhood (except for the pregnancy period).

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.69-105
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• 2002

This paper is aimed at three points. Firstly the size and trend of women self-employed in korea are analysed during 30 years. Second the demographic characteristics and labor condition like working hour, income and etc. of them are presented. Last, when did they begin or end their own work as their life stages were changed.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.50 no.2
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• pp.185-201
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• 2015

This paper suggests how Korean housemaids, called Sikmo, and Korean-Chinese migrant domestic workers have similar class positions and therefore form a dual identity in their interactions with female employers. rough spoken stories of the experiences of 27 females from Seoul, including Korean-Chinese domestic workers, Korean housemaids, and their employers, this research effectively overcomes the dichotomous discourse of natives versus foreigners. Instead it suggests the new interpretation that it is not foreignness but class inferiority of the domestic workers that plays a key role in establishing relationships with employers. Korean housemaids and Korean-Chinese domestic workers, both groups of whom are migrant workers, have developed coping strategies to enhance their labor value by spatially relocating themselves from their home society to a new society. They possess a similar labor status in women's history, being of low income, low education, and rural births. Consequently, these women experience 'translocal anchoring,' meaning their identities are intertwined with that of their home societies, and employers perceive them based on the characteristics of these places. The Korean employers perceive that the domestic workers' morality and intellectuality are inferior based on their class differences. This stigmatizing process leads employers to regard domestic workers as ambivalent people, not only threatening outsiders but also objects of pity, needing love and protection of their employers. The employers educate them culturally, teaching them skills to survive in the urban environment. These skills include cooking and language, in addition to advice on long-term plans to blend into society.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.63
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• pp.145-165
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• 2020

, in collaboration with Mary Kelly, Kay Hunt and Margaret Harrison, tells the story of workers in the 1970s. Since the late 1960s, the world has undergone many political and social changes, and social movements have been active to protect the socially underprivileged, including women, children and workers. This phenomenon led to the diversification of the collection of the general public, the community, and the minority, and the expansion of the artist's political remarks and themes in the art world. , completed in conjunction with these social issues, surveyed and recorded the reality of workers in a factory in London and produced it as a artwork. is a collaborative work of three artists, a record of workers in the 1970s, and a record of the labor situation, factory, and even the history of the region. Therefore, this study examined the methods and features of , which dealt with the lives of women workers in the 1970s, based on social conditions.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.7-23
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• 2009

The "Jeongjagak(丁字閣, T shaped building)" was important building from Goryeo Dynasty to Joseon Dynasty. For long period, the scale and form of the building had been changing bit by bit. The change of building results from the function. As the Jeongjagak accepted the functions of the Yeongakjeon(靈幄殿), there appeared changes of plane. The main function of Yeongakjeon was suppling space for the dead king's coffin. The Yeongakjeon was not built in the first year of King Sukjong(1674). At that time, the Jeongjagak was responsible for the function of the Yeongakjeon as an alternative. Starting from this, the Jeongjagak was used as space for the dead king's coffin. Because the coffin should place on from south to north, it demanded long inner space in south-north direction. Therefore the effort to make enough length in south-north direction was begun from the first year of King Sukjong(1674). In order to solve the problem, the Toigu(退構) was made from the reign of King Sukjong to the 28th year King Youngjo(1852). The Toigu was temporary inner space which was made in one compartment at the Baewichung(拜位廳, the part of the Jeongjagak). But the length of the Jeongjagak's south-north direction was reduced to 61.8m(20尺6寸) at the 33th year of King Youngjo(1857) when the "Gukjosangryebopyon(國朝喪禮補編)" was completed. Also it extended to 84m(28尺) during the reign of King Jeongjo(1774~1800). Following these process of extension and reduction, the length was standardized as 72m(24尺) at the reign of King Sunjo(1800~1834). These facts explains that the main cause of plane change at the Jeongjagak was acceptance of functions that was used as space for the dead king's coffin. Also, the important points of change at the Jeongjagak were the first year of King Sukjong, the 33th year of King Youngjo and the first year of King Sunjo. When it was the first year of King Sukjong and the 33th year of King Youngjo, there were two national funerals. Because of concern about the increasing labor and tax of the nation, the scale of the Jeongjagak was changed to decreasing size. Due to the improvement of drawings and annotation on a Eugwe(儀軌) at the first year of King Sunjo, the size of Jeongjagak was standardized.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.52
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• pp.5-59
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• 2014

This paper investigates the development and aesthetics of Korean political theatre from its quickening period 1920s to democratization era 1990s. Political theatre before 90s developed an antithesis resistant movement toward Korean modern history that had been scattered with suppressing political circumstances such as colonial era and dictatorial government, the movement has powerful activity and social influences. Just like the 20 century political theatre had been quickened under the influence of Marxism at Russia and Germany in 1920s, Korea's political theatre began in socialism theatre movement form around the same time. Proletarian theatre groups had been founded in Japan and Korea, and developed into practical movement with organized connection. However, the political theatre movement in Japanese colonial era was an empty vessel makes great sound but not much accomplishments. Most performance had been canceled or disapproved by suppression or censorship of the Japanese Empire. The political theatre in liberation era was the left drama inherited from Proletarian theatre of the colonial era. Korean Theatre alliance took lead the theatrical world unfold activities based on theatre popularization theory such as 'culture activists' taking a jump up the line and 'independent theatre' peeping into production spot as well as the important event, Independence Movement Day Memorial tournament theatre. Since 1947, US army military government in Korea strongly oppressed the left performances to stop and theatrical movement was ended due to many left theatrical people defection to North Korea. The political theatre in 1960s to 70s the Park regime, developed in dramatically different ways according to orthodox group and group out of power. The political theatre of institutional system handled judgment on sterile people and had indirect political theatre from that took history material and allegory technique because of censorship. In political theatre out of institution, it started outdoor theatre that has modernized traditional performance style and established deep relationship with labor spot and culture movement organizations. Madangguek(Outdoor theatre) is 'Attentive political theatre', satirizing and offending the political and social inconsistencies such as the dictatorial government's oppression and unbalanced distribution, alienation of general people, and foreign powers' pillage sharply as well as laughing at the Establishment with negative characters. The political theatre in 1980s is divided into two categories; political theatre of institutional system and Madangguek. Institutional Political theatre mainly performed in Korea Theatre Festival and the theatre group 'Yeonwoo-Moudae' led political theatre as private theatre company. Madangguek developed into an outdoor theatrical for indoor theatre capturing postcolonial historical view. Yeonwoo-Moudae theatre company produced representative political plays at 80s such as The chronicles of Han's, Birds fly away too, and so on by combining freewheeling play spirit of Madangguek and epic theatre. Political theatre was all the rage since the age of democratization started in 1987 and political materials has been freed from ban. However, political theatre was slowly declined as real socialism was crumbling and postmodernism is becoming the spirit of the times. After 90s, there are no more plays of ideology and propaganda that aim at politicization of theatre. As the age rapidly entered into the age of deideology, political theatre discourse also changed greatly. The concept 'the political' became influential as a new political possibility that stands up to neoliberalism system in the evasion of politics. Rather than reenact political issues, it experiments new political theatre that involves something political by deconstructing and reassigning audience's political sense with provocative forms, staging others and drawing discussion about it.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.6
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• pp.51-79
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• 2024

In the 1970s and 1980s, during the nascent phase of ginseng disease research, efforts concentrated on isolating and identifying pathogens. Subsequently, their physiological ecology and pathogenesis characteristics were scrutinized. This led to the establishment of a comprehensive control approach for safeguarding major aerial part diseases like Alternaria blight, anthracnose, and Phytophthora blight, along with underground part diseases such as Rhizoctonia seedling damping-off, Pythium seedling damping-off, and Sclerotinia white rot. In the 1980s, the sunshade was changed from traditional rice straw to polyethylene (PE) net. From 1987 to 1989, focused research aimed at enhancing disease control methods. Notably, the introduction of a four-layer woven P.E. light-shading net minimized rainwater leakage, curbing Alternaria blight occurrence. Since 1990, identification of the bacterial soft stem rot pathogen facilitated the establishment of a flower stem removal method to mitigate outbreaks. Concurrently, efforts were directed towards identifying root rot pathogens causing continuous crop failure, employing soil fumigation and filling methods for sustainable crop land use. In 2000, adapting to rapid climate changes became imperative, prompting modifications and supplements to control methods. New approaches were devised, including a crop protection agent method for Alternaria stem blight triggered by excessive rainfall during sprouting and a control method for gray mold disease. A comprehensive plan to enhance control methods for Rhizoctonia seedling damping-off and Rhizoctonia damping-off was also devised. Over the past 50 years, the initial emphasis was on understanding the causes and control of ginseng diseases, followed by refining established control methods. Drawing on these findings, future ginseng cultivation and disease control methods should be innovatively developed to proactively address evolving factors such as climate fluctuations, diminishing cultivation areas, escalating labor costs, and heightened consumer safety awareness.