• Journal of the Korea Society of Computer and Information
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• v.24 no.11
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• pp.209-218
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• 2019

The purpose of this study is to longitudinally analyze the relationship between parenting effectiveness of parents of multicultural families and self-esteem and achievement motivation of multicultural adolescents. The study used the data of Multi-cultural Adolescent Panel Survey (MAPS). Of the six years of data from the 1st survey (elementary grade 4 students) in 2011 to the 6th survey ($3^{rd}$ year middle school students) in 2016, this study employed and analyzed the data from year 2012 ($2^{nd}$ survey, fifth graders), year 2014 ($4^{th}$ survey, 1st year middle school students), and year 2016 ($6^{th}$ survey, $3^{rd}$ year middle school students). The results of applying the Autoregressive Cross-lagged Model to examine the longitudinal relationship between parenting effectiveness of multicultural families and self-esteem and achievement motivation of multicultural adolescents are as follows. First, parenting effectiveness of parents of multicultural families, and self-esteem of multicultural adolescents, and autoregressive effects of achievement motivation were found to have a positive (+) effect with the passage of time. Second, the parenting effectiveness of parents of multicultural families at the previous time was found to have a significant positive (+) effect on the cross-lagged effect on self-esteem and achievement motivation of multicultural adolescents at a later time. Third, the self-esteem of multicultural adolescents at the previous time at the previous time was found to have a significant effect in the positive (+) direction on the cross-lagged effect affecting achievement motivation of multicultural adolescents at a later time. Fourth, it was found that the cross-lagged effect of the parenting effectiveness of parents of multicultural families on achievement motivation of multicultural adolescents was greater than the cross-lagged effect of self-esteem on achievement motivation of multicultural adolescents. This study is meaningful in that the longitudinal data are used to verify the causal orientation between three variables over time to examine the relationship between parenting effectiveness of parents of multicultural families and self-esteem and achievement motivation of multicultural adolescents.

• Clinical and Experimental Reproductive Medicine
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.49-56
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• 2007

Objective: To evaluate the effect of short coasting, by withdrawing both gonadotropins and GnRH agonist (GnRHa), on the prevention in severe ovarian hyperstimulation syndrome(OHSS) without compromising pregnancy outcome. Method: Thirty-seven women who had been coasted during COH for IVF were coasted when $\geq$20 follicles > 15 mm with serum E$_2$ level of 4,000 pg/ml were detected. Coasting was initiated for one or two days depending on the status of follicle on ultrasound and serum E$_2$ level. Both gonadotropin and GnRHa were withheld for coasting. Retrospective study was carried and changes of serum E$_2$ levels, number of oocytes retrieved, fertilization rate, pregnancy rate were compared and analyzed. Results: The mean serum E$_2$ level fell from 6,993 pg/ml on the onset of coasting to 3,396 pg/ml on the day of hCG administration. The mean number of oocytes retrieved and fertilization rate were 15.7 and 70.0%, respectively. Fifteen patients were pregnant (40.6%) and implantation rate was 15.2%. Twenty-six (70.3%) patients were coasted for one day and 11 (29.7%) were coasted for two days. The mean decrease rate of serum E$_2$ level was 43% in one day coasting group and 15% (1$^{st}$ day) and 81% (2$^{nd}$ day) in two day coasting group. The pregnancy outcome was similar between the two groups. After coasting, no severe or moderate OHSS occurred in any patients and mild OHSS occurred in 3(8.1%) patients. Conclusions: Coasting for one or two days can be used successfully in the prevention of OHSS without compromising IVF cycle outcome.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.152-173
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• 2021

The Large Banner was introduced during the Japanese Invasions of Korea with a new military system. It was a flag that controlled the movement of soldiers in military training. In addition, it was used in other ways, such as a symbol when receiving a king in a military camp, a flag raised on the front of a royal procession, at the reception and dispatch of envoys, and at a local official's procession. The Large Banner was recognized as a symbol of military dignity and training rites. The Large Banner was analyzed in the present study in the context of two different types of decorations. Type I includes chungdogi, gakgi and moongi. Type II includes grand, medium, and small obangi, geumgogi and pyomigi. Each type is decorated differently for each purpose. The size of the flag is estimated to be a square of over 4 ja long in length. Flame edges were attached to one side and run up and down The Large Banner used the Five Direction Colors based on the traditional principles of Yin-Yang and Five Elements. The pattern of the Large Banner is largely distinguished by four. The pattern of large obangi consists of divine beasts symbolizing the Five Directions and a Taoism amulet letter. The pattern of medium obangi features spiritual generals that escort the Five Directions. The pattern of small obangi has the Eight Trigrams. The pattern of moongi consists of a tiger with wings that keeps a tight watch on the army's doors. As for historical sources of coloring for Large Banner production, the color-written copy named Gije, from the collection of the Osaka Prefect Library, was confirmed as the style of the Yongho Camp in the mid to late 18th century, and it was also used for this essay and visualization work. We used Cloud-patterned Satin Damask as the background material for Large Banner production, to reveal the dignity of the military. The size of the 4 ja flag was determined to be 170 cm long and 145 cm wide, and the 5 ja flag was 200 cm long and 175 cm wide. The conversion formula used for this work was Youngjochuck (1 ja =30cm). In addition, the order of hierarchy in the Flag of the King was discovered within all flags of the late Joseon Dynasty. In the above historical study, the two types of Large Banner were visualized. The visualization considered the size of the flag, the decoration of the flagpole, and the patterns described in this essay to restore them to their original shape laid out the 18th century relics on the background. By presenting color, size, material patterns, and auxiliary items together, it was possible not only to produce 3D content, but also to produce real products.

• Asia-Pacific Journal of Business Venturing and Entrepreneurship
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• v.16 no.5
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• pp.125-141
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• 2021

The rapidly changing social structure of the digital environment is having a significant impact on economic activities. That is also an important issue for Individuals who want to sustain economic activities and countries that support policies. Non-face-to-face industries have been revitalized due to the problem of human capital utilization attributed to aging population, the real economic recession caused by Corona 19, contraction of face-to-face economic activities, reduction of employment, and job instability. Accordingly, digital media contents based economic activities have become commonplace, and the government's main policy issue is to use human capital effectively for media contents based economic activities. Adaptation to the digital environment has become a necessity, not a choice, for those who wish to continue to be in employment. Therefore, this study analyzed the effects of digital and individual abilities on intention to sustain the economic activity and verified the modulation effect of the role model. In order to achieve the purpose of this research, an online survey was conducted on men and women aged 20 to 80 nationwide, and 382 of the 385 collected questionaires were analyzed. The SPSS 23.0 program was used to analyze this study, and the questionaire questions were measured using the Likert 5-point scale. As a result of the analysis, first, the ability to utilize media contents in digital capacity has a positive impact on the intention to sustain economic activity, and that the higher the ability to utilize the latest digital media contents such as SNS, the more likely the intention to sustain economic activity. Secondly, it was found that the financial strength of individuals' abilities was affected by the negative impact, and that the experiences were affected by positive(+) impact on the intention to sustain economic activity. Thirdly, the social environment has no significant effect on the intention to sustain economic activity. Fourth, it was found that family support amongst social support has a positive impact on the intention to sustain economic activity, and that various emotional support for families has increased intention to sustain economic activity. Fifth, the role model was found to have a positive(+) impact on economic sustainability, while the ability to utilize media content and family support played a modulating role on economic sustainability. Therefore, as a result of this research, the government's policy support for employment and entrepreneurship is required in accordance with digital media content based digital education and human structure in order to sustain economic activities.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.47 no.4
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• pp.136-161
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• 2014

This paper investigates the Buddhist sculpture and wall-painting enshrined in the halls of Bunhwangsa (Bunhwang temple) at Gyeongju in the mid-Silla period, which are thoroughly unknown to us except through textual records of Samgukyusa compiled by Priest Ilyeon in the late thirteenth century. According to Samgukyusa, a clay portrait-sculpture of Monk Wonhyo, made by his son Seolchong, was placed in Bunhwangsa. This image faced to the side, because he turned his body toward Seolchong when Seolchong bowed to this image. This story suggests that the portrait image of Wonhyo was most likely made after the Vimalakirti images, which were popular in China from the Six Dynasties period on, especially the Vimalakirti images of the early Tang period, turning his head and body toward Bodhisattva Manjusi seated opposite. The Vimalakirti image of Seokkuram might show the portrait image of Wonhyo. A wall-painting of a Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara who has a thousand arms with a thousand eyes, called by the name 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands', was enshrined on the north wall of the left hall of Bunhwangsa. During King Gyeondeok's reign, Himyeong and her five-year-old blind child prayed before this image, and the blind child gained eyesight. While praying, they sang a song pleading for one of the thousand eyes which the Bodhisattva had in his hands. This song implies that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara had a thousand eyes, one painted on each hand. The fact that Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara of Bunhwangsa was called 'Great Mercy with a Thousand Hands' indicates that this painting was based on the scripture Thousand-Armed Avalokiresvara Sutra translated by Bhagavaddharma in about 655, in the Tang period, which also has 'Great Mercy' in its title. In the year 755, a gilt bronze image of Medicine Buddha was made in Bunhwangsa, using nearly 61 tons of bronze to cast. The huge amount of bronze suggests it includes not only the Buddha statue but many other images such as two attendant Bodhisattvas of Suryaprabha and Candraprabha, Eight Great Bodhisattvas, or Twelve Guardians. Seven images of Medicine Buddha might have been made in accordance with the scriptural text of Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra translated by Monk Yijing. Textual evidence and recent excavation have revealed that seven images of Medicine Buddha and their whole attendant images based on Seven Medicine Buddha Sutra were made in the Nara period from 751 to 762 when Queen Gomyo contructed Sinyakusiji temple for the recovery of her husband Shomu. It is fair to assume that one or seven Medicine Buddhas and a whole group of his (their) attendant images were made for the main hall of Bunhwangsa temple in 755.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Inherited Metabolic disease
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.1-11
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• 2019

Purpose: Congenital hypothyroidism (CH) is the most common congenital endocrine disorder. The purpose of the present study was to determine the incidence of CH in South Korea during the period from January 1991 to March 2004. Methods: Central data from each city branch of SCL (Seoul Clinical Reference Laboratories) in Yongin, South Korea, was gathered and collectively analyzed. Newborn screening (NBS) for CH was based on measuring the levels of neonatal thyroid stimulating hormone (TSH) and free T4 (a cut-off of 20 mIU/L and less than 0.8 ng/dL, respectively). Results: During the study period, 671,805 live births were screened for CH based on TSH and free T4 ELISA assays. A total of 159 newborns were deemed positive for CH out of 671,805, with a corresponding incidence of 1 in 4,225. When a cut-off of 20 mIU/L was used in TSH assays, the associated sensitivity, specificity, and positive predictive values (PPV) were 100.0%, 99.7%, and 10.8%, respectively. When a cut-off of 0.8 ng/dL in free T4 assays was used, the associated sensitivity, specificity, and PPV were 100.0%, 98.5%, and 3.9%, respectively. Conclusion: CH incidence in South Korea as evidenced by the results of NBS was compared with its incidence and comparable to the other countries prior to 2004.

• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.8-18
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• 2019

Purpose: This study was conducted to better understand the illness experiences and palliative care needs in community-dwelling persons with cardiometabolic diseases. Methods: This qualitative descriptive study was conducted with 11 patients (and three family members) among 28 patients contacted. Interviews were led by the principal investigator in her office or at participants' home depending on their preference. All interviews were digitally recorded and transcribed by a research assistant. The interviews were analyzed by two independent researchers using a conventional method. Results: Participants' ages ranged from 42 to 82 years (nine men and two women). Three themes were identified: (1) same disease, but different illness experiences; (2) I am in charge of my disease(s); (3) preparation for disease progression. Participants were informed of the name of their disease when they were diagnosed, but not provided with explanation of the diagnosis or meant or how to do self-care to delay the disease progression, which increased the feelings of uncertainty, hopelessness and anxiety. Taking medication was considered to be the primary treatment option and self-care a supplemental one. Advanced care plans were considered when they felt the progression of their disease(s) while refraining from sharing it with their family or health care professionals to save their concerns. All participants were willing to withhold life-sustaining treatment without making any preparation in writing. Conclusion: Education on self-care and advanced care planning should be provided to community-dwelling persons with cardiometabolic diseases. A patient-centered education program needs to be developed for this population.

• Journal of Hospice and Palliative Care
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.39-47
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• 2019

Purpose: This study was performed to investigate the current status of pediatric palliative care provision and how it is perceived by the palliative care experts. Methods: A descriptive study was conducted with 61 hospice institutions. From September through October 2017, a questionnaire was completed by experts from the participating institutions. Data were analyzed using SPSS 21.0. Results: Among 61 institutions, palliative care is currently provided for pediatric cancer patients by 11 institutions (18.0%), all of which are concentrated in Seoul, Incheon and Gyeonggi and Gyengsang provinces; 85.2% of all do not plan to provide specialized pediatric palliative care in the future. According to the experts, the main barriers in providing pediatric palliative care were the insufficient number of trained specialists regardless of the delivery type. Experts said that it was appropriate to intervene when children were diagnosed with cancer that was less likely to be cured (33.7%) and to move to palliative care institutions when their conditions worsened (38.2%); and it was necessary to establish a specialized pediatric palliative care system, independent from the existing institutions for adult patients (73.8%). Conclusion: It is necessary to develop an education program to establish a nationwide pediatric palliative care centers. Pediatric palliative care intervention should be provided upon diagnosis rather than at the point of death. Patients should be transferred to palliative care institutions after intervention by their existing pediatric palliative care team at the hospital is started.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.54-71
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• 2012

This paper investigates Buddhist sculptures of the Gulsan-sa School of Seon Buddhism, which was established by the priest Beomil(梵日) at Myeongju(溟州), present-day Gangneung(江陵) area, and prospered until the late Goryeo period. There are very few surviving Buddhist images at Gulsan2 temple-site showing the Buddhist art when Beomil or his disciples, Gaecheong(開淸) and Haengjeok(行寂), were active, except a set of huge stone pillars for temple-banners and a stone monk stupa. It is therefore necessary to focus on pieces of artworks in Gangneung and nearby areas to explore the characteristics of Buddhist art of Gulsan-sa from the late Silla to early Goryeo period. For example, the stone relief seated Buddha image, one of Four Buddhas of Four Directions, and a stone relief of standing Guardian King both from the stone pagoda at Mujin temple-site(無盡寺址) can be compared with stupa reliefs at the capital Gyeongju area in their high quality of carving. The stone octagonal base showing seven lions on each of seven sides at Boheon-sa(普賢寺) demonstrates that it was made as a part of an octagonal lotus pedestal for a Vairocana Buddha now lost. Since Boheon-sa was erected by Gaechung, a disciple of Beomil as a branch of Gulsan-sa, it is fair to assume that the Vairocana image at Boheon-sa might have been closely related to the Buddhist images at Gulsan-sa in its style and iconography. The stone seated Bodhisattva from Hansong temple-site(寒松寺址) displays a benign face, exquisite necklace, and exotic iconography in its hand gesture and high cylindrical crown. The stone seated Buddha at Cheonghak-sa(靑鶴寺), brought from a temple-site where fragments of roof-tiles with the inscription of Heukam-sa(黑岩寺) were discovered, displays the late Silla and early Goryeo period. Heukam-sa seems to have been related to Gulsan-sa or have been one of the branches of Gulsan-sa. Extant fragments of artworks at Myeongju implicate the high quality of Buddhist art of Gulsan-sa in its iconography and style as well as unique features of Gulsan-sa Seon School.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.5-25
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• 2008

Seoul's community beliefs originated from the ritual performed by the shrines affiliated to each government office in the Joseon Dynasty. Lower branches of government officials were assigned to perform these rituals. Generally, these shrines were called Bugundang(府君堂). Records show that Bugundang(府君堂) was generally one to three units and enshrined the portrait of Bugun(府君), the worshipped, inside. According to historical records, the worshipped were mostly General Choi Young(崔瑩將軍) or Madame Song(宋氏夫人). In fact, however, each Bugundang(府君堂) worshipped different persons. Some of the worshipped were historical characters from the Goryeo Dynasty or the founding period of Joseon Dynasty, Guan Yu(關羽) and Zhuge Liang(諸葛孔明) that became gods after the Japanese Invasion of 1952, Wanggun(王建), Dangun(檀君), General Nam Yi(南怡將軍), Kim Yoo Shin(金庾信), Lim Gyeong Up (林慶業), King Gongmin(恭愍王), King Taejo(Lee Sung Gye, 太祖 李成桂), Joban(趙?) who is one of the supporters of the foundation of Joseon Dynasty, Sir Hong(洪氏大監) and his women who appear in the legend of Nanhansanseong(南漢山城) area, and many other historical figures. It is difficult to compare the rituals of these shrines from community Gut(Shaman ritual) performances of Seoul. According to historical records, Gut and ceremony coexisted in rituals. As time passed, these rituals spread as the community Beliefs of commoners and have been transmitted in the context of Seoul's cultural change. This study examined the existence of affiliated shrines of local government offices in the Joseon Dynasty and discussed the cases of Jangchung-dong Gwanseong Shrine(將忠洞 關聖廟), Bangsan-dong Seongje Shrine(方山洞 聖帝廟), and Seobinggo Bugundang(西氷庫 府君堂) to trace the succession of rituals at these shrines as folk customs of commoners. Bangsan-dong Seongje Shrine(方山洞 聖帝廟) spread to the public as Gwanwoo(關羽), who was considered the god of soldiers, transformed into the god of merchants along with historical transition. It clearly shows the process as to how merchants from a certain region developed a community religion. Jangchung-dong Gwanseong Shrine(將忠洞 關聖廟) is Bugundang(府君堂) of the soldiers of Nampyoug(南營). As the ritual was succeeded by a ritual group called Yeoungsinsa(永信社), composed of nearby residents, it was naturally spread and succeeded by the residents in local community. Seobinggo Bugundang(西氷庫 府君堂) was related to the changes in the historical background of ice gathering in the late Joseon Dynasty.