• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.36-66
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• 2011

The goal of this article is to examine the connection between creativity of unconscious and religion. Jung criticized how Freud's approach in studying the unconscious as a scientific inquiry focuses on the unconscious as reflecting only those which is repressed by the ego. Jung conceived of the unconscious as encompassing not only the repressed but also the variety of other psychic materials that have not reached the threshold of the consciousness in its range. Moreover, since human psyche is as individualistic as is a collective phenomenon, the collective psyche is thought to be pervasive at the bottom of the psychic functioning and the conscious and the personal unconscious comprising the upper level of the psychic functioning. Through clinical and personal experience, Jung had come to a realization that the unconscious has the self-regulatory function. The unconscious can make "demands" and also can retract its demands. Jung saw this as the autonomous function of the unconscious. And this autonomous unconscious creates, through dreams and fantasies, images that include an abundance of ideas and feelings. These creative images the unconscious produces assist and lead the "individuation process" which leads to the discovery of the Self. Because this unconscious process compensates the conscious ego, it has the necessary ingredients for self-regulation and can function in a creative and autonomous fashion. Jung saw religion as a special attitude of human psyche, which can be explained by careful and diligent observation about a dynamic being or action, which Rudolph Otto called the Numinosum. This kind of being or action does not get elicited by artificial or willful action. On the contrary, it takes a hold and dominates the human subject. Jung distinguished between religion and religious sector or denomination. He explained religious sector as reflecting the contents of sanctified and indoctrinated religious experiences. It is fixated in the complex organization of ritualized thoughts. And this ritualization gives rise to a system that is fixated. There is a clear goal in the religious sector to replace intellectual experiences with firmly established dogma and rituals. Religion as Jung experienced is the attitude of contemplation about Numinosum, which is formed by the images of the collective unconscious that is propelled by the creativity and autonomy of the unconscious. Religious sector is a religious community that is formed by these images that are ritualized. Jung saw religion as the relationship with the best or the uttermost value. And this relationship has a duality of being involuntary and reflecting free will. Therefore people can be influenced by one value, overcome with the unconscious being charged with psychic energy, or could accept it on a conscious level. Jung saw God as the dominating psychic element among humans or that psychic reality itself. Although Jung grew up in the atmosphere of the traditional Swiss reformed church, it does not seem that he considered himself to be a devoted Christian. To Jung, Christianity is a habitual, ritualized institution, which lacked vitality because it did not have the intellectual honesty or spiritual energy. However, Jung's encounter with the dramatic religious experience at age 12 through hallucination led him to perceive the existence of living god in his unconscious. This is why the theological questions and religious problems in everyday life became Jung's life-long interest. To this author, the reason why Jung delved into problems with religion has to do with his personal interest and love for the revival of the Christian church which had lost its spiritual vitality and depth and had become heavily ritualized.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.231-244
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• 2000

Classification and research trends were studied to analyze a total of 240 original articles that have been published in 34 volumes of The Korean Journal of Rural Medicine from 1976 to 1999. The results were as follows: 1. A total of 337 articles were published. Among them, 240(71.2%) articles were classified as original articles. This number has been increasing significantly over the years as the number of the articles was 13 in the 1970s, 73 in the 1980s, and 154 in the 1990s. 2. There were 10 authors in the original articles and 55(22.9%) of them were written by 3 of them. There were five research institutions involved in the articles, and 106(44.2%) of the articles were done by one research group. 3. In the original articles. 24(10.0%) were noted to be done using research funds, and only 6(2.5%) were written in English. 4. In the view of the research styles of the original articles, 115(47.9%) used analytical study, 92(38.3%) used technical study, 21(9.2%) used experimental study, and 6(2.5%) used case reports. In the 1970s, 13(100.0%) articles used technical study, and in the 1980s, 47(64.4%) used technical studies and 19(26.0%) used analytical studies. However, in the 1990s, 96(62.8%) articles used analytical studies and 32(20.9%) used technical studies. The statistical methods most commonly used in the articles were technical statistics, the ${\chi}^2$-test, and the t-test respectively. 5. On the classification into three different research fields, 105(43.8%) articles were classified as health management, 96(40.0%) as disease epidemiology, and 39(16.3%) as rural environment and rural occupational disorders. In the 1970s, 12 (92.3 %) of the articles were on disease epidemiology and 1(7.7%) on health management were published. In the 1980s, 33(45.2%) articles on disease epidemiology, 29(39.7%) on health control, and 11(15.1%) on rural environment and rural occupational disorders were recorded. In the 1990s, however, 75(48.7%) articles were on health control, 51(33.1%) on disease control, and 28(18.2%) on the rural environment and rural occupational disorders. 6. According to the research subjects in each research field, the 39 articles in rural environment and rural occupational disorders were composed of 8(20.5%) articles on pesticide intoxication, 7(17,9%) on farmer's diseases, 7(17.9%) on vinyl-house diseases, and 6(15.4%) on accidents. From a total of 96 articles in disease epidemiology 56(58.3%) articles were on parasites, 16(16.7%) on non-infectious diseases, 12(12.5) on infectious diseases. From 105 articles in health control 25(23.8%) articles were on medical care utilization patterns, 18(17.1%) on the health care delivery system, and 13(12.4%) on maternal and child health. In the analysis of the 10 most prevalent subjects dealt in the above articles, 6(46.2%) articles were on parasites and 4(30.8%) on non-infectious diseases were recorded in the 1970s. In the 1980s, 28(38.4%) were on parasites. 9(12.3%) on the health care system, 7(9.6%) on medical care utilization patterns, 5(6.8%) on maternal and child health, and 4(5.5%) were on pesticide intoxication. In the 1990s, 22(14.3%) articles were on parasites. 18(11.7%) on medical care utilization patterns, 16(10.4%) on senile health, 14(9.1%) on the health care system, 10(6.5%) on infectious diseases, arid 10(6.5%) were on non-infectious diseases. In conclusion, the research activity on rural health has been strengthened in this country because the original articles in The Korean Journal of Rural Medicine have significantly increased in the past 24 years. In the 1970s and 1980s, research on disease epidemiology was most prevalent, but in the 1990s papers on health care were most popular. In addition, the articles on parasites were most frequently published in the 1970s, 1980s, and 1990s, showing that parasitic problem was the main theme in those eras. However, in the 1990s, it was evident that the articles on parasites were decreasing and articles on the subject of medical care utilization patterns and senile health increased. Hereafter it was expected that research on health care would be more common in rural health in Korea.

• Journal of Global Scholars of Marketing Science
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.68-79
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• 2009

The interplay between hedonic and utilitarian attributes has assumed special significance in recent years; it has been proposed that consumption offerings should be viewed as experiences that stimulate both cognitions and feelings rather than as mere products or services. This research builds on previous work on hedonic versus utilitarian benefits, regulatory focus theory, customer satisfaction to address two question: (1) Is the shopping goal at the point of purchase different from the shopping value? and (2) Is the customer loyalty after the use different from the shopping value and shopping goal? We surveyed 345 peoples those who have bought the electronic-goods within 6 months. This research dealt with the shopping value which is consisted of 2 types, hedonic and utilitarian. Those who pursue the hedonic shopping value may prefer the pleasure of purchasing experience to the product itself. They tend to prefer atmosphere, arousal of the shopping experience. Consistent with previous research, we use the term "hedonic" to refer to their aesthetic, experiential and enjoyment-related value. On the contrary, Those who pursue the utilitarian shopping value may prefer the reasonable buying. It may be more functional. Consistent with previous research, we use the term "utilitarian" to refer to the functional, instrumental, and practical value of consumption offerings. Holbrook(1999) notes that consumer value is an experience that results from the consumption of such benefits. In the context of cell phones for example, the phone's battery life and sound volume are utilitarian benefits, whereas aesthetic appeal from its shape and color are hedonic benefits. Likewise, in the case of a car, fuel economics and safety are utilitarian benefits whereas the sunroof and the luxurious interior are hedonic benefits. The shopping goals are consisted of the promotion focus goal and the prevention focus goal, based on the self-regulatory focus theory. The promotion focus is characterized into focusing ideal self because they are oriented to wishes and vision. The promotion focused individuals are tend to be more risk taking. They are more sensitive to hope and achievement. On the contrary, the prevention focused individuals are characterized into focusing the responsibilities because they are oriented to safety. The prevention focused individuals are tend to be more risk avoiding. We wanted to test the relation among the shopping value, shopping goal and customer loyalty. Customers show the positive or negative feelings comparing with the expectation level which customers have at the point of the purchase. If the result were bigger than the expectation, customers may feel positive feeling such as delight or satisfaction and they would want to share their feelings with other people. And they want to buy those products again in the future time. There is converging evidence that the types of goals consumers expect to be fulfilled by the utilitarian dimension of a product are different from those they seek from the hedonic dimension (Chernev 2004). Specifically, whereas consumers expect the fulfillment of product prevention goals on the utilitarian dimension, they expect the fulfillment of promotion goals on the hedonic dimension (Chernev 2004; Chitturi, Raghunathan, and Majahan 2007; Higgins 1997, 2001) According to the regulatory focus theory, prevention goals are those that ought to be met. Fulfillment of prevention goals in the context of product consumption eliminates or significantly reduces the probability of a painful experience, thus making consumers experience emotions that result from fulfillment of prevention goals such as confidence and securities. On the contrary, fulfillment of promotion goals are those that a person aspires to meet, such as "looking cool" or "being sophisticated." Fulfillment of promotion goals in the context of product consumption significantly increases the probability of a pleasurable experience, thus enabling consumers to experience emotions that result from the fulfillment of promotion goals. The proposed conceptual framework captures that the relationships among hedonic versus utilitarian shopping values and promotion versus prevention shopping goals respectively. An analysis of the consequence of the fulfillment and frustration of utilitarian and hedonic value is theoretically worthwhile. It is also substantively relevant because it helps predict post-consumption behavior such as the promotion versus prevention shopping goals orientation. Because our primary goal is to understand how the post consumption feelings influence the variable customer loyalty: word of mouth (Jacoby and Chestnut 1978). This research result is that the utilitarian shopping value gives the positive influence to both of the promotion and prevention goal. However the influence to the prevention goal is stronger. On the contrary, hedonic shopping value gives influence to the promotion focus goal only. Additionally, both of the promotion and prevention goal show the positive relation with customer loyalty. However, the positive relation with promotion goal and customer loyalty is much stronger. The promotion focus goal gives the influence to the customer loyalty. On the contrary, the prevention focus goal relates at the low level of relation with customer loyalty than that of the promotion goal. It could be explained that it is apt to get framed the compliment of people into 'gain-non gain' situation. As the result, for those who have the promotion focus are motivated to deliver their own feeling to other people eagerly. Conversely the prevention focused individual are more sensitive to the 'loss-non loss' situation. The research result is consistent with pre-existent researches. There is a conceptual parallel between necessities-needs-utilitarian benefits and luxuries-wants-hedonic benefits (Chernev 2004; Chitturi, Raghunathan and Majaha 2007; Higginns 1997; Kivetz and Simonson 2002b). In addition, Maslow's hierarchy of needs and the precedence principle contends luxuries-wants-hedonic benefits higher than necessities-needs-utilitarian benefits. Chitturi, Raghunathan and Majaha (2007) show that consumers are focused more on the utilitarian benefits than on the hedonic benefits of a product until their minimum expectation of fulfilling prevention goals are met. Furthermore, a utilitarian benefit is a promise of a certain level of functionality by the manufacturer or the retailer. When the promise is not fulfilled, customers blame the retailer and/or the manufacturer. When negative feelings are attributable to an entity, customers feel angry. However in the case of hedonic benefit, the customer, not the manufacturer, determines at the time of purchase whether the product is stylish and attractive. Under such circumstances, customers are more likely to blame themselves than the manufacturer if their friends do not find the product stylish and attractive. Therefore, not meeting minimum utilitarian expectations of functionality generates a much more intense negative feelings, such as anger than a less intense feeling such as disappointment or dissatisfactions. The additional multi group analysis of this research shows the same result. Those who are unsatisfactory customers who have the prevention focused goal shows higher relation with WOM, comparing with satisfactory customers. The research findings in this article could have significant implication for the personal selling fields to increase the effectiveness and the efficiency of the sales such that they can develop the sales presentation strategy for the customers. For those who are the hedonic customers may be apt to show more interest to the promotion goal. Therefore it may work to strengthen the design, style or new technology of the products to the hedonic customers. On the contrary for the utilitarian customers, it may work to strengthen the price competitiveness. On the basis of the result from our studies, we demonstrated a correspondence among hedonic versus utilitarian and promotion versus prevention goal, WOM. Similarly, we also found evidence of the moderator effects of satisfaction after use, between the prevention goal and WOM. Even though the prevention goal has the low level of relation to WOM, those who are not satisfied show higher relation to WOM. The relation between the prevention goal and WOM is significantly different according to the satisfaction versus unsatisfaction. In addition, improving the promotion emotions of cheerfulness and excitement and the prevention emotion of confidence and security will further improve customer loyalty. A related potential further research could be to examine whether hedonic versus utilitarian, promotion versus prevention goals improve customer loyalty for services as well. Under the budget and time constraints, designers and managers are often compelling to choose among various attributes. If there is no budget or time constraints, perhaps the best solution is to maximize both hedonic and utilitarian dimension of benefits. However, they have to make trad-off process between various attributes. For the designers and managers have to keep in mind that without hedonic benefit satisfaction of the product it may hard to lead the customers to the customer loyalty.

• The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.73-105
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• 1993

To say nothing of the orient and the west, the human beings discover the method of Jin Mac(診脈) by the way that observe disease. But oriental medicine devise special method of Jin Mac(診脈) in the study of Kyoung Mac(經脈). Although sip-ei Kyoung Mac Jin(十二經脈診), Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診), In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診), Chon Kwan Chuck Jin(寸關尺診) namely Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac (六部定位診脈) that is used today are devised, it has changed naturally by the changing treatment and the introduction of Yuin Yang(陰陽) and five element(五行). Many methods dg Jin Mac(診脈), it had not developped successing alternative, it had developped of declined by it's own way. 1. Results for the birth of Mac(脈) 1) Mac(脈), it means Kyoung Mac(經脈), at first entirelly Mac(脈), is seized a blood vessel that flows in the body. As presumed today, after finding many acupunture point, a general idea of Mac(脈) is not maked by the line that connect point and point, it connect between acupunture point and acupunture point. 2) Like blood flows in Hyul Mac(血脈), Gie(氣) flows in Kyoung Mac(經脈). The two things relate deeply each other. In a general idea or actrally Kyoung Rak(經洛), the two things sometimes accord, sometimes seperate, sometimes mix alternative. 3) Hyul Mac(血脈) and Kyoung Mac(經脈), we call it Mac(脈) entirely Kyoung Mac(經脈), is a way that manifest disease through Kyoung Mac(經脈) or a boundary that disease belongs to it method of Mac Jin(脈診) individual that disease of Kyoung Mac(經脈) is diagnosed by the jumping situation of Hyul Mac(血脈). 4) In method of Moxa, athough the pathology and the diagnostic of Mac(脈) are created by finding Mac(脈). Finding acupunture have opportunitty fot Mac Jin(脈診) and treatment. 2. Results of Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(經脈脈診) 1) In theory of kyoung Rak(經洛), disease are resumed for malfunction of Young Wee(榮衛) that flows in Kyung Rak(經洛). So to speak, in treatment of Kyoung Rak area, the purpose of diagnosis observe the situation of disease and cause. For fitting the purpose of diagnosis, the dead had esatablised four-diagnosis method mangMunMnnJeul(望聞問切), in four-diagnosis(四診法), the core is Mac Jin(脈診). 2) sip-ei Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(十二經脈診) had existed as Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(經脈脈診), it precedes Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診). In Young Ki Gu Mac(人迎脈口診). 3) Although Bu Yang Mac(趺陽脈), So Um Mac(少陰脈) is a part of Sip-ei Kyoung Mac(十二經脈診), they developped especially because they located in the point of Won Hyul(原穴) and they are convenient for diagnose. 4) Sip-ei Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(十二經脈診), which belongs to Bu Yang Mac(趺陽脈) and So Urn Mac(少陰脈), is not important for the comming age medical books compared with Mac Kyoung(脈經). 3. Results gor Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診) 1) Mac Jin(脈診) of Sam Bu Gu Who(三部九候), which is noted in the theory of Sam Bu Gu Who(三部九候診) of So Mun(素問), belongs to Kyoung Mac Mac Jin's(經脈脈診) geneology, Sip-ei Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(十二經脈診) is arranged, simplicated by the idealogy three talents(三才思想) in the heaven and the earth. 2) What Sam Bu Gu Jin(三部九候診) is regardded as very important in So Mun(素問), the editor of So Mun(素問) recognize the meaning that one discover disease early in this method of diagnosis. 3) After Young chu(靈樞), Nan Kyoung(難經) it is lacked the method of Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診) in the books that treatment has changed. Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診) based on actually clinic appropriate. 4. results for In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診) 1) In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診) is the method of comparative Mac Jin(脈診) according to the theory of Yin Yang(陰陽), it is presumed after Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診), it had perished in parallel with the development of the theory of five elelment(五行). The development of the acupunture, the perishment of the treatment of negative(刺絡). 2) In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診), Wang Suk Wha(王叔和) recreated that the left is In Young(人迎), the right is Kie Gu(氣口). In future generations by Jin Mu Taek(陳無擇) who is the writer of Sam In Bang(三因方). In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診) is a measure for disease which classify it's inside and outside cause. 5. Results for Chon Gu Mac Jin(寸口脈診) 1) What we say Mac Jin(脈診) of Chon Gu(寸口) two means are used in commn. First case, we simply say the area of Chon Gu(寸口), second case, we say Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸口尺診) reducingly. Chon Gu(寸口) is the area which is the radial artery of wrist joint. What we attemp diagnose by only Chon Gu Mac(寸口脈), it is clearly shoued in the method of Nan Kyoung, five Nan(難經五難). 2) Because Jin Mac(診脈) is made in only Chon Gu(寸口), that is the area in which is concentated Kyoung Kee(經氣). That is the birth of Jin Kee(眞氣) and Jin Kee(眞氣) is related with disease. We can diagnose disease by taking Chon Gu(寸口). 3) Chuk Jin(尺診) in Nae Kyoung(難經) have two things. One is Il Chuk(一尺), the other is Chon Kwan Chu(寸關尺). 4) Chuk Chon Jin(尺寸診) is the method which diagnose the difference of point and the condition of Mac(脈) by dividing a part of Chuk(尺) in the area of Chon Gu(寸口). In Chon Gu Jin(寸口診), by introducing the theory of Yin Yang(陰陽), the method of Chon Gu Jin(寸口診) is developed by chon Gu Jin(寸口診). 5) What Chuk Kwan Chon Jin(寸關尺診) is that area of the Chon Gu(寸口) are divided fot three point, we can diagnose. By consulting Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診), developping of the method of acupunture, utilzing the theory of five element(五行) it is devised by concentrating way of thinking of the method mac Jin(脈診) exiting. 6) Chon Kwan Chuk Jin MaC(寸關尺診脈) begin from Nae Kyoung(內徑) exiting. After Nan Kyoung(內徑), spread out widely from Mac Kyoung(脈診) of Wang Suk wha(王叔和), the future medicins followed it. Yang Hyun Jo(楊玄操) and established Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸關尺診) which is used widely today. This right and left Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸關尺診), we call it method of Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac(六部定位診脈). 7) We can think the base which presume the arrangement of the viscera for Chon Kwan Chuk(寸關尺) of the right and the left. 8) The origin, which seperate the right and the left of Mac(脈), is showed at the treory of Ji Jin Yo Dae(至眞要大論) in So Mun(素問) which Chon Chuk(寸尺) seperate the right and the left. But the method of diagnosis in Nan Kyoung(難經) have no seperation the fight and the left. Otherwise this. there is clearly writtened the seperation for the right origin of the method of Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac(六部定位診脈) seek for Cang Gong(倉公). 9) Yang Hyun Jo(楊玄操) notice that the Chuk(尺) is mentioned for Sam Cho(三焦) in the method of Mac Kyuong(脈經), Sim Po Kyung(心包經) which put together with Sam Cho(三焦) allot on this, he had established the method of Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac(六部定位診脈). 10) On the method of Paen Jak Yin Yang Mac(扁鵲陰陽脈) in Mac Kyoung(脈經), equal article exist with the theory of Pyung In Kee Sang(平人氣象論) in So Mun(素問). When Wang Suk Wha(王叔和) write Mac Kyung(脈經), we can presume that the book of Mac(脈) which Paen Jak(扁鵲) had experienced the origin have exited besides So Mun(素問), Young Chu(靈樞). If so he must be make Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸關尺診) very fairly standard. So Nae Kyoung(內經), which must be fllowed the method of Paen Jak Mac(扁鵲脈), do the method diagnosis of Chon Kwan Chuk(寸關尺), diagnise of disease and treat.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.33-54
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• 2021

With the fourth industrial revolution and the arrival of the New Normal era due to Corona, the importance of Non-contact technologies such as artificial intelligence and big data research has been increasing. Convergent research is being conducted in earnest to keep up with these research trends, but not many studies have been conducted in the area of nuclear research using artificial intelligence and big data-related technologies such as natural language processing and text mining analysis. This study was conducted to confirm the applicability of data science analysis techniques to the field of nuclear research. Furthermore, the study of identifying trends in nuclear spent fuel recognition is critical in terms of being able to determine directions to nuclear industry policies and respond in advance to changes in industrial policies. For those reasons, this study conducted a media trend analysis of pyroprocessing, a spent nuclear fuel treatment technology. We objectively analyze changes in media perception of spent nuclear fuel dry treatment techniques by applying text mining analysis techniques. Text data specializing in Naver's web news articles, including the keywords "Pyroprocessing" and "Sodium Cooled Reactor," were collected through Python code to identify changes in perception over time. The analysis period was set from 2007 to 2020, when the first article was published, and detailed and multi-layered analysis of text data was carried out through analysis methods such as word cloud writing based on frequency analysis, TF-IDF and degree centrality calculation. Analysis of the frequency of the keyword showed that there was a change in media perception of spent nuclear fuel dry treatment technology in the mid-2010s, which was influenced by the Gyeongju earthquake in 2016 and the implementation of the new government's energy conversion policy in 2017. Therefore, trend analysis was conducted based on the corresponding time period, and word frequency analysis, TF-IDF, degree centrality values, and semantic network graphs were derived. Studies show that before the 2010s, media perception of spent nuclear fuel dry treatment technology was diplomatic and positive. However, over time, the frequency of keywords such as "safety", "reexamination", "disposal", and "disassembly" has increased, indicating that the sustainability of spent nuclear fuel dry treatment technology is being seriously considered. It was confirmed that social awareness also changed as spent nuclear fuel dry treatment technology, which was recognized as a political and diplomatic technology, became ambiguous due to changes in domestic policy. This means that domestic policy changes such as nuclear power policy have a greater impact on media perceptions than issues of "spent nuclear fuel processing technology" itself. This seems to be because nuclear policy is a socially more discussed and public-friendly topic than spent nuclear fuel. Therefore, in order to improve social awareness of spent nuclear fuel processing technology, it would be necessary to provide sufficient information about this, and linking it to nuclear policy issues would also be a good idea. In addition, the study highlighted the importance of social science research in nuclear power. It is necessary to apply the social sciences sector widely to the nuclear engineering sector, and considering national policy changes, we could confirm that the nuclear industry would be sustainable. However, this study has limitations that it has applied big data analysis methods only to detailed research areas such as "Pyroprocessing," a spent nuclear fuel dry processing technology. Furthermore, there was no clear basis for the cause of the change in social perception, and only news articles were analyzed to determine social perception. Considering future comments, it is expected that more reliable results will be produced and efficiently used in the field of nuclear policy research if a media trend analysis study on nuclear power is conducted. Recently, the development of uncontact-related technologies such as artificial intelligence and big data research is accelerating in the wake of the recent arrival of the New Normal era caused by corona. Convergence research is being conducted in earnest in various research fields to follow these research trends, but not many studies have been conducted in the nuclear field with artificial intelligence and big data-related technologies such as natural language processing and text mining analysis. The academic significance of this study is that it was possible to confirm the applicability of data science analysis technology in the field of nuclear research. Furthermore, due to the impact of current government energy policies such as nuclear power plant reductions, re-evaluation of spent fuel treatment technology research is undertaken, and key keyword analysis in the field can contribute to future research orientation. It is important to consider the views of others outside, not just the safety technology and engineering integrity of nuclear power, and further reconsider whether it is appropriate to discuss nuclear engineering technology internally. In addition, if multidisciplinary research on nuclear power is carried out, reasonable alternatives can be prepared to maintain the nuclear industry.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.4
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• pp.87-114
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• 1981

A costume reveals the social characteristics of the era in which it is worn, thus we can say that the history of change of the costume is the history of change of the living culture of the era. Since the Three States era, the costume structure of this country had been affected by the costume system of the China's historical dynasties in the form of the grant therefrom because of geographical conditions, which affection was conspicuous for the bureaucrat class, particularly including but not limited to the Kings' familities. Such a grant of the costume for the bureaucrat class (i.e., official uniform) was first given by the Dang-dynasty at the age of Queen Jinduck, the 28th of the Shilla-dynasty. Since then, the costume for the bureaucrats had consecutively been affected as the ages had gone from the unified Shilla, to the Koryo and to the Yi-dynasty. As the full costumes officially used by government officials (generally called "Baek Gwan") in the Yidynasty, there existed Jo-bok, Gong-bok and Sang-bok. Of such official costumes, Gong-bok was worn at the time of conducting official affairs of the dynasty, making a respectful visit for the expression of thanks or meeting diplomatic missions of foreign countries. It appears no study was made yet with regard to the Gong-bok while the studies on the Jo-bok and the Sangbok were made. Therefore, this article is, by rendering a study and research on the styles of costumes of civil servants' stone images erected at the Kings' tombs of the Yi-dynasty, to help the persons concerned understand the Gong-bok, one of the official costume for Baek Kwan of that age and further purports to specifically identify the styles and changes of the Gong-bok, worn by Baek Gwan during the Yi-dynasty, consisting of the Bok-doo (a hat, four angled and two storied with flat top), Po (gown), Dae (belt), and Hol (small and thin plate which was officially held by the government officials in hand, showing the courtesy to and writing brief memorandums before the King) and Hwa (shoes). For that purpose, I investigated by actually visiting the tombs of the Kings of the Yi-dynasty including the Geonwon-neung, the tomb of the first King Tae-jo and the You-neung, the tomb of the 27th King Soon-jong as well as the tombs of the lawful wives and concubines of various Kings, totalling 29 tombs and made reference to relevant books and records. Pursuant. to this study, of the 29 Kings' tombs the costume styles of civil servants' stone images erected at the 26 Kings' tombs are those of Gong-bok for Baek-gwan of the Yi-dynasty wearing Bok-doo as a hat and Ban-ryeong or Dan-ryenog Po as a gown with Dae, holding Hol in hand and wearing shoes. Other than those of the 26 tombs, the costume styles of the Ryu-neung, the tomb of the Moon-jo who was the first son of 23rd King Soon-jo and given the King's title after he died and of the You-neung, the tomb of the 27th King Soon-jong are those of Jobok with Yang-gwan (a sort of hat having stripes erected, which is different from the Bok-doo), and that of the Hong-neung, the tomb of the 26th King Go-jong shows an exceptional one wearing Yang-gwan and Ban-ryeong Po ; these costume styles other than Gongbok remain as the subject for further study. Gong-bok which is the costume style of civil servants' stone images of most of the Kings' tombs had not been changed in its basic structure for about 500 years of the Yi-dynasty and Koryo categorized by the class of officials pursuant to the color of Po and materials of Dae and Hol. Summary of this costume style follows: (1) Gwan-mo (hat). The Gwan-mo style of civil servants' stone images of the 26 Kings' tombs, other than Ryu-neung, Hong-neung and You-neung which have Yang-gwan, out of the 29 Kings' tombs of the Yi-dynasty reveals the Bok-doo with four angled top, having fore-part and back-part divided. Back part of the Bok-doo is double the fore-part in height. The expression of the Gak (wings of the Bokdoo) varies: the Gyo-gak Bok-doo in that the Gaks, roundly arisen to the direction of the top, are clossed each other (tombs of the Kings Tae-jong), the downward style Jeon-gak Bok-doo in that soft Gaks are hanged on the shoulders (tombs of the Kings Joong-jong and Seong-jong) and another types of Jeon-gak Bok-doo having Gaks which arearisen steeply or roundly to the direction of top and the end of which are treated in a rounded or straight line form. At the lower edge one protrusive line distinctly reveals. Exceptionally, there reveals 11 Yang-gwan (gwan having 11 stripes erected) at the Ryu-neung of the King Moon-jo, 9 Yang-gwan at the Hong-neung of the King Go-jong and 11 Yang-gwan at the You-neung of the King Soon-jong; noting that the Yang-gwan of Baek Kwan, granted by the Myeong-dynasty of the China during the Yi-dynasty, was in the shape of 5 Yang-gwan for the first Poom (class) based on the principle of "Yideung Chaegang" (gradual degrading for secondary level), the above-mentioned Yang-gwans are very contrary to the principle and I do not touch such issue in this study, leaving for further study. (2) Po (gown). (a) Git (collar). Collar style of Po was the Ban-ryeong (round collar) having small neck-line in the early stage and was changed to the Dan-ryeong (round collar having deep neck-line) in the middle of the: dynasty. In the Dan-ryeong style of the middle era (shown at the tomb of the King Young-jo); a, thin line such as bias is shown around the internal side edge and the width of collar became wide a little. It is particularly noted that the Ryu-neung established in the middle stage and the You-neung in the later stage show civil servants in Jo-bok with the the Jikryeong (straight collar) Po and in case of the Hong-neung, the Hong-neung, the tomb of the King Go-jong, civil servants, although they wear Yang-gwan, are in the Ban-ryeong Po with Hoo-soo (back embroidery) and Dae and wear shoes as used in the Jo-bok style. As I could not make clear the theoretical basis of why the civil servants' costume styles revealed, at these tombs of the Kings are different from those of other tombs, I left this issue for further study. It is also noted that all the civil servants' stone images show the shape of triangled collar which is revealed over the Godae-git of Po. This triangled collar, I believe, would be the collar of the Cheomri which was worn in the middle of the Po and the underwear, (b) Sleeve. The sleeve was in the Gwan-soo (wide sleeve) style. having the width of over 100 centimeter from the early stage to the later stage arid in the Doo-ri sleeve style having the edge slightly rounded and we can recognize that it was the long sleeve in view of block fold shaped protrusive line, expressed on the arms. At the age of the King Young-jo, the sleeve-end became slightly narrow and as a result, the lower line of the sleeve were shaped curved. We can see another shape of narrow sleeve inside the wide sleeve-end, which should be the sleeve of the Cheom-ri worn under the Gong-bok. (c) Moo. The Moo revealed on the Po of civil servants' stone images at the age of the King Sook-jong' coming to the middle era. Initially the top of the Moo was expressed flat but the Moo was gradually changed to the triangled shape with the acute top. In certain cases, top or lower part of the Moo are not reveald because of wear and tear. (d) Yeomim. Yeomim (folding) of the Po was first expressed on civil servants' stone images of the Won-neung, the tomb of the King Young-jo and we can seemore delicate expression of the Yeomim and Goreum (stripe folding and fixing the lapel of the Po) at the tomb of the Jeongseong-wanghoo, the wife of the King Young-jo, At the age of the King Soon-jo, we can see the shape of Goreum similar to a string rather than the Goreum and the upper part of the Goreum which fixes Yeomim was expressed on the right sleeve. (3) Dae. Dae fixed on the Po was placed half of the length of Po from the shoulders in the early stage. Thereafter, at the age of the King Hyeon-jong it was shown on the slightly upper part. placed around one third of the length of Po. With regard to the design of Dae, all the civil servants' stone images of the Kings' tombs other than those of the Geonwon-neung of the King Tae-jo show single or double protrusive line expressed at the edge of Dae and in the middle of such lines, cloud pattern, dangcho (a grass) pattern, chrysanthemum pattern or other various types of flowery patterns were designed. Remaining portion of the waist Dae was hanged up on the back, which was initially expressed as directed from the left to the right but thereafter expressed. without orderly fashion,. to the direction of the left from the right and vice versa, Dae was in the shape of Yaja Dae. In this regard, an issue of when or where such a disorderly fashion of the direction of the remaining portion of waist Dae was originated is also presented to be clarified. In case of the Ryuneung, Hong-neung and You-neung which have civil servants' stone images wearing exceptional costume (Jo-bok), waist Dae of the Ryu-neung and Hong-neung are designed in the mixture of dual cranes pattern, cosecutive beaded pattern and chrvsenthemum pattern and that of You-neung is designed in cloud pattern. (4) Hol. Although materials of the Hol held in hand of civil servants' stone images are not identifiable, those should be the ivory Hol as all the Baek Gwan's erected as stone images should be high class officials. In the styles, no significant changes were found, however the Hol's expressed on civil servants' stone images of the Yi-dynasty were shaped in round top and angled bottom or round top and bottom. Parcicularly, at the age of the King Young-jo the Hol was expressed in the peculiar type with four angles all cut off. (5) Hwa (shoes). As the shoes expressed on civil servants' stone images are covered with the lower edges of the Po, the styles thereof are not exactly identifiable. However, reading the statement "black leather shoes for the first class (1 Poom) to ninth class (9 Poom)," recorded in the Gyeongkook Daejon, we can believe that the shoes were worn. As the age went on, the front tips of the shoes were soared and particularly, at the Hong-neung of the King Go-jong the shoes were obviously expressed with modern sense as the country were civilized.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.37-76
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• 2017

$Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh has two faces in the history of territorial expansion of Vietnam into the Mekong delta. One is his heroic contribution to the $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ family gaining control over the large part of the Mekong delta. The other is his role to make the eyes of readers of Vietnamese history be fixed only to the present territory of Vietnam. To the readers, $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh's achievement of territorial expansion was the final stage of the nam $ti{\acute{\hat{e}}n$ of Vietnam. In fact, however, his achievement was partial. This study pays attention to the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ instead of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh in the history of the territorial expansion in the Mekong delta. King's goal was more ambitious. And the ambition was propelled by his dream to build a new world, and its order, in which his new capital, $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ was to be the center with his status as an emperor. To improve my assertion, three elements were examined in this article. First is the nature of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's new kingship. Second is the preparation and the background of the military operation in the Mekong Delta. The nature of the new territory is the third element of the discussion. In 1744, six years after this ascending to the throne, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương declared he was a king. Author points out this event as the departure of the southern kingdom from the traditional dynasties based on the Red River delta. Besides, the government system, northern custom and way of dressings were abandoned and new southern modes were adopted. $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương had enough tributary kingdoms such as Cambodia, Champa, Thủy $X{\tilde{a}}$, Hoả $X{\tilde{a}}$, Vạn Tượng, and Nam Chưởng. Compared with the $L{\hat{e}}$ empire, the number of the tributary kingdoms was higher and the number was equivalent to that of the Đại Nam empire of the 19th century. In reality, author claims, the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ real intention was to become an emperor. Though he failed in using the title of emperor, he distinguished himself by claiming himself as the Heaven King, $Thi{\hat{e}}n$ Vương. Cambodian king's attack on the thousands of Cham ethnics in Cambodian territory was an enough reason to the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ military intervention. He considered these Cham men and women as his amicable subjects, and he saw them a branch of the Cham communities in his realm. He declared war against Cambodia in 1750. At the same time he sent a lengthy letter to the Siamese king claiming that the Cambodia was his exclusive tributary kingdom. Before he launched a fatal strike on the Mekong delta which had been the southern part of Cambodia, $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương renovated his capital $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$ to the level of the new center of power equivalent to that of empire for his sake. Inflation, famine, economic distortion were also the features of this time. But this study pays attention more to the active policy of the King $V{\tilde{o}}$ as an empire builder than to the economic situation that has been told as the main reason for King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ annexation of the large part of the Mekong delta. From the year of 1754, by the initiative of $Nguy{\tilde{\hat{e}}}n$ Cư Trinh, almost whole region of the Mekong delta within the current border line was incorporated into the territory of $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương within three years, though the intention of the king was to extend his land to the right side of the Mekong Basin beyond the current border such as Kampong Cham, Prey Vieng, and Svai Rieng. The main reason was $V{\tilde{o}}$ Vương's need to expand his territory to be matched with that of his potential empire with the large number of the tributary kingdoms. King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ strategy was the variation of 'silkworm nibbling' and 'to strike barbarians by barbarians.' He ate the land of Lower Cambodia, the region of the Mekong delta step by step as silkworm nibbles mulberry leave(general meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực), but his final goal was to eat all(another meaning of $t{\acute{a}}m$ thực) the part of the Mekong delta including the three provinces of Cambodia mentioned above. He used Cham to strike Cambodian in the process of getting land from Long An area to $Ch{\hat{a}}u$ Đốc. This is a faithful application of the Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man (to strike barbarians by barbarians). In addition he used Chinese refugees led by the Mạc family or their quasi kingdom to gain land in the region of $H{\grave{a}}$ $Ti{\hat{e}}n$ and its environs from the hand of Cambodian king. This is another application of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man. In sum, author claims a new way of looking at the origin of the imperial world order which emerged during the first half of the 19th century. It was not the result of the long history of Đại Việt empires based on the Red River delta, but the succession of the King $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ new world based on $Ph{\acute{u}}$ $Xu{\hat{a}}n$. The same ways of Dĩ Man $C{\hat{o}}ng$ Man and $T{\acute{a}}m$ Thực Chi $K{\acute{\hat{e}}}$ were still used by $V{\tilde{o}}^{\prime}s$ descendents. His grandson Gia Long used man such as Thai, Khmer, Lao, Chinese, and European to win another man the '$T{\hat{a}}y$ Sơn bandits' that included many of Chinese pirates, Cham, and other mountain peoples. His great grand son Minh Mạng constructed a splendid empire. At the same time, however, Minh Mạng kept expanding the size of his empire by eating all the part of Cambodia and Cham territories.