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Mission-Oriented Conceptional Design of the Cube Satellite CNU Laser Unity Bus (CLUB) for Ground-Space Laser Research (지상-우주 레이저 연구를 위한 큐브위성 CLUB(CNU Laser Unity Bus)의 임무 중심 개념설계)

  • Seok-Min Song;Ho Sub Song;Chae-Ryeong Kim;Young-In Kang;Yang-Ha Ju;Mansoo Choi;Hyung-Chul Lim;Yu Yi
    • Journal of Space Technology and Applications
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    • v.4 no.1
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    • pp.48-61
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    • 2024
  • In this paper, we introduce the concept of the cube satellite Chungnam National University Laser Unity Bus (CLUB), which can provide an integrated infrastructure for various ground-space laser applications. With the advent of the new space era, the rapid expansion of space utilization has begun to reveal the limitations of conventional radio frequencies. As space missions diversify, lasers are garnering attention as a viable alternative. Between ground and space, lasers are applied in various fields including satellite laser ranging (SLR), laser weapons, and laser communication. However, laser used between the ground and space are significantly influenced by the Earth's atmosphere. Consequently, understanding the atmospheric effects on laser propagation is crucial. In particular, atmospheric turbulence, which refracts and distorts laser beams, intensifies closer to the Earth's surface, exerting a greater impact on the uplink than on the downlink. While downlink verification is facilitated by ground detection, verifying the uplink poses challenges due to the necessity of space-based detection. In response to these challenges, we propose the idea of cube satellite as a means to enhance understanding and verification of laser propagation in the uplink. Additionally, we present the results of conceptual design by analyzing requirements, focusing on mission design of the CLUB cube satellite, following the stages of systems engineering for systematic cube satellite development.

A Study of Byun Chan-rin's Understanding of the Neo-Religion and Ideas of Kang Il-sun (변찬린의 새종교관과 증산사상 이해에 대한 연구)

  • Park Jong-chun
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.50
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    • pp.33-68
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    • 2024
  • Byun Chan-rin (1934-1985) intertextually reconciled important world religions such as Christianity, Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism from the perspective of Pungryu (風流), also known as Seon (僊), which he considered to be the foundation of the Korean spirit. Naturally, his category of Pungryu also encompassed modern Korean national religions. He emphasized the necessity of a neo-religion in order to overcome the exclusive limitations of various world religions as each was bound by their own tradition, and hence deviated from the mainstream of the Great Way of Pungryu. He also appreciated various indigenous new religions in modern Korea, including concept of epoch-making and the practices of Kang Il-sun (姜一淳), as "neo-religion" that could overcome the limitations of world religions by elevating the magical activities of shamanism to the Great Way. His appraisal was positive, and he refrained from dismissing this growing movement as "superstitions" or "new emerging religions" embraced by the common people. From his viewpoint, the important indigenous new religions in modern Korea were not the ruling religions of the empire but alternative religions of the colonial people, and the concept of "Great Opening of the Later World (後天開闢)" in modern indigenous Korean religions and Kang's idea of the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence (解冤相生) were creative evolutions of religion that overcame the contradictions and limitations of the world's religions. He presented the insight of a spiritual seeker who heralded the era of "SBNR" (spiritual but not religious), which seeks new possibilities for spirituality by escaping limitations of religiosity.

The Burden of the Population and People during the Reign of Tang Taizong before His Invasion of Goguryeo in 645 (당 태종 '정관(貞觀)의 치'와 가정(苛政) - 645년 고당 전쟁 이전 조세·요역 수탈의 실상 -)

  • Choi Jin-yeoul
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.49
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    • pp.365-399
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    • 2024
  • Tang Taizong was regarded as the emperor with the idea of cherishing the common people, paying close attention to his subjects' military service, and mobilizing of the people as recorded in Zhenguan Zhengyao (Essentials for Government), from the Zhenguan period during the reign of Tang Taizong. Contrary to the above, in reality, Li Shimin, the name of Tang Taizong, mobilized many subjects in the construction of Luoyang Palace in second capital city called Dongdu and Jiucheng Palace, a summer palace during Sui-Tang dynasty, and he requisitioned the subjects of Guannei Province and Longyou Province to install and protect provisional powers and a county in the Gaochang Kingdom. Given his antinomic behavior, the evaluation of Li Shimin as an ideal Confucian monarch should be reconsidered based on Zhenguan zhengyao and other historical records. Dividing the 19 years before Goguryeo-Tang War in 645 into two periods, from the throne to 637 and from 639-644, the subjects were burdened by the construction of Luoyang Palace and Jiucheng Palace in the former period. In the latter period, after the conquest of the Gaochang Kingdom, there was a requisition for the transport of troops and supplies to be stationed in Xizhou, a reorganized prefecture and counties in the Gaochang Kingdom territory; probably mainly limited to the provinces of Guannei and Lungyou, which were geographically close to the West Regin that is now known as Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region. The burden in the latter period was relatively less than in the former period. Even so, the number of households in 639, fourteenth year of Tang Taizong's reign, was only 34.1% and 26.8%, respectively, in 609, the sixth year of Sui Yangdi's reign. In this situation, Taizong's Goguryeo Invasion was not conducted in an economically situation during the early days of the Tang Dynasty.

Interpreting the Evolving Idea of the 'Garden' in Singapore's Urban Environmental Policy (싱가포르의 친환경 도시 정책에서 정원 개념의 변화)

  • Cho, Tambin;Pae, Jeong-Hann
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.52 no.4
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    • pp.86-103
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    • 2024
  • This study interprets the evolving ideologies of Singapore's urban environmental policies focusing on the meanings encapsulated within the notion of 'garden'. Through a comprehensive review of policy documents, legislative materials, development projects, government promotional materials, and organizational changes in each era, the study identifies three phases, each with distinct central themes. Commencing in the 1960s, the initial phase projected a meticulously controlled and managed cityscape using the notion of garden, which was epitomized by the slogan 'Garden City'. In this phase, garden was a representative concept that embodied the cleanliness and greenness of the city, and also served as a strategic rhetoric to effectively transfer the ideology of an exemplary picturesque city to the public. Subsequently, in the 1970s, the focus gradually shifted from individual green spaces and bodies of water towards a collective system which served as a foundational infrastructure of the city-nation. This evolution was reflected in the new slogan 'City in a Garden', where the garden is now not only summoned for its external appearance but also as an unified system which serves as the cornerstone of the city. Through these phases, the Singaporean government developed a scheme capable of integrated management of green spaces and water resources tailored to the scale and function of each. Building upon this foundation, the early 2000s saw the adoption of a new orientation focusing on sustainability and urban ecology, encapsulated in the revised slogan 'City in Nature'. For more than five decades, Singapore has demonstrated an adept utilization of the notion 'garden'. This scholarly examination underscores Singapore's journey in redefining urban landscapes through the strategic employment of the concept of garden in its urban environmental policies. By tracing the evolution of the garden concept across distinct phases, the study illuminates how the Singaporean government leveraged the garden's versatility: from an effective metaphor of aesthetic values to an integral component of its holistic urban system, and finally to a bridge between the urban and the natural.

A Study on Promoting University Archives through Social Media (소셜미디어를 이용한 대학기록관 홍보 활성화 방안에 관한 연구)

  • Minjung Cho;Jihyun Kim
    • Journal of the Korean BIBLIA Society for library and Information Science
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    • v.35 no.3
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    • pp.77-104
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    • 2024
  • The purpose of this study is to propose strategies for social media-based promotion of university archives by investigating the current status and limitations of public relations activities and social media management of university archives. To this end, a literature review, social media content analysis, and in-depth interviews were conducted, and promoting the university archives was proposed in two aspects: content and management. The content aspect was divided into topic selection, content writing, and platform. When it comes to topic selection, first, the topic should encourage the participation of students based on their interests. Second, write a post that catches on trend periodically. Third, the proportion of posts on students' daily lives should be increased. fourth, the freshmen should be provided with useful and practical information about the university. fifth, posts on oral interviews with alumni and activities of individual alumni or alumni associations can strengthen identity and solidarity among alumni. For content writing, tap into students by using mascots and characters, and everyday language familiar to students. YouTube and Instagram are suggested to be utilized as they are mainly used as of 2024 by university archives that manage social media. In terms of management, managing the student ambassador program, getting the idea from University Archives & Records Centers and related institutes, and securing manpower and budget with the support and cooperation of the parent organization are proposed.

Comparison of the Right-to-left Shunt Test by Transcranial Doppler Based on the Addition of Blood and Patient Posture (경두개 초음파를 이용한 좌우단락검사 시 Blood 사용 유무와 환자 자세에 따른 실증적 결과 비교)

  • Kun-Woo KANG;Eui-Jeong LEE;Hyun-Kyung LEE;Eun-Son LEE;Yang-Hee LIM
    • Korean Journal of Clinical Laboratory Science
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    • v.56 no.3
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    • pp.228-235
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    • 2024
  • Using transcranial doppler ultrasonography (TCD) to measure the presence or absence of abnormalities in patent foramen ovale (PFO) is more effective than transesophageal echocardiography (TEE) because it is simple, inexpensive, and non-invasive. Thus, it can be a good alternative test in cases where it is difficult to perform TEE or in groups at a high risk of complications. Therefore, in this study, we sought to assist in arriving at a diagnosis by suggesting an appropriate method through the comparison of empirical results according to the presence or absence of blood use and varying patient posture. The results were compared depending on the patient's posture and whether blood was used. Patients in whom both middle cerebral arteries were observed were targeted. In cases where the temporal window was defective, it was replaced with basilar artery and compared. There were higher positivity rate and accuracy for sitting position using valsalva maneuver (VM) than for Resting and supine position using VM. Therefore, if it is possible to perform a sitting position using VM with a mixture of blood, it would be a good idea to perform it.

A Study of Mac(脈)-Theory and Change of Mac(脈)-Diagnosis in Whang Di Nei Qing(黃帝內經) (황제내경(黃帝內經)의 맥(脈) 이론(理論)과 진맥법(診脈法)의 변화(變化)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Ra, Kyoung-Chan;Park, Hyun Kook
    • The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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    • v.2 no.1
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    • pp.73-105
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    • 1993
  • To say nothing of the orient and the west, the human beings discover the method of Jin Mac(診脈) by the way that observe disease. But oriental medicine devise special method of Jin Mac(診脈) in the study of Kyoung Mac(經脈). Although sip-ei Kyoung Mac Jin(十二經脈診), Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診), In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診), Chon Kwan Chuck Jin(寸關尺診) namely Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac (六部定位診脈) that is used today are devised, it has changed naturally by the changing treatment and the introduction of Yuin Yang(陰陽) and five element(五行). Many methods dg Jin Mac(診脈), it had not developped successing alternative, it had developped of declined by it's own way. 1. Results for the birth of Mac(脈) 1) Mac(脈), it means Kyoung Mac(經脈), at first entirelly Mac(脈), is seized a blood vessel that flows in the body. As presumed today, after finding many acupunture point, a general idea of Mac(脈) is not maked by the line that connect point and point, it connect between acupunture point and acupunture point. 2) Like blood flows in Hyul Mac(血脈), Gie(氣) flows in Kyoung Mac(經脈). The two things relate deeply each other. In a general idea or actrally Kyoung Rak(經洛), the two things sometimes accord, sometimes seperate, sometimes mix alternative. 3) Hyul Mac(血脈) and Kyoung Mac(經脈), we call it Mac(脈) entirely Kyoung Mac(經脈), is a way that manifest disease through Kyoung Mac(經脈) or a boundary that disease belongs to it method of Mac Jin(脈診) individual that disease of Kyoung Mac(經脈) is diagnosed by the jumping situation of Hyul Mac(血脈). 4) In method of Moxa, athough the pathology and the diagnostic of Mac(脈) are created by finding Mac(脈). Finding acupunture have opportunitty fot Mac Jin(脈診) and treatment. 2. Results of Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(經脈脈診) 1) In theory of kyoung Rak(經洛), disease are resumed for malfunction of Young Wee(榮衛) that flows in Kyung Rak(經洛). So to speak, in treatment of Kyoung Rak area, the purpose of diagnosis observe the situation of disease and cause. For fitting the purpose of diagnosis, the dead had esatablised four-diagnosis method mangMunMnnJeul(望聞問切), in four-diagnosis(四診法), the core is Mac Jin(脈診). 2) sip-ei Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(十二經脈診) had existed as Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(經脈脈診), it precedes Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診). In Young Ki Gu Mac(人迎脈口診). 3) Although Bu Yang Mac(趺陽脈), So Um Mac(少陰脈) is a part of Sip-ei Kyoung Mac(十二經脈診), they developped especially because they located in the point of Won Hyul(原穴) and they are convenient for diagnose. 4) Sip-ei Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(十二經脈診), which belongs to Bu Yang Mac(趺陽脈) and So Urn Mac(少陰脈), is not important for the comming age medical books compared with Mac Kyoung(脈經). 3. Results gor Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診) 1) Mac Jin(脈診) of Sam Bu Gu Who(三部九候), which is noted in the theory of Sam Bu Gu Who(三部九候診) of So Mun(素問), belongs to Kyoung Mac Mac Jin's(經脈脈診) geneology, Sip-ei Kyoung Mac Mac Jin(十二經脈診) is arranged, simplicated by the idealogy three talents(三才思想) in the heaven and the earth. 2) What Sam Bu Gu Jin(三部九候診) is regardded as very important in So Mun(素問), the editor of So Mun(素問) recognize the meaning that one discover disease early in this method of diagnosis. 3) After Young chu(靈樞), Nan Kyoung(難經) it is lacked the method of Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診) in the books that treatment has changed. Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診) based on actually clinic appropriate. 4. results for In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診) 1) In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診) is the method of comparative Mac Jin(脈診) according to the theory of Yin Yang(陰陽), it is presumed after Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診), it had perished in parallel with the development of the theory of five elelment(五行). The development of the acupunture, the perishment of the treatment of negative(刺絡). 2) In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診), Wang Suk Wha(王叔和) recreated that the left is In Young(人迎), the right is Kie Gu(氣口). In future generations by Jin Mu Taek(陳無擇) who is the writer of Sam In Bang(三因方). In Young Mac Gu Jin(人迎脈口診) is a measure for disease which classify it's inside and outside cause. 5. Results for Chon Gu Mac Jin(寸口脈診) 1) What we say Mac Jin(脈診) of Chon Gu(寸口) two means are used in commn. First case, we simply say the area of Chon Gu(寸口), second case, we say Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸口尺診) reducingly. Chon Gu(寸口) is the area which is the radial artery of wrist joint. What we attemp diagnose by only Chon Gu Mac(寸口脈), it is clearly shoued in the method of Nan Kyoung, five Nan(難經五難). 2) Because Jin Mac(診脈) is made in only Chon Gu(寸口), that is the area in which is concentated Kyoung Kee(經氣). That is the birth of Jin Kee(眞氣) and Jin Kee(眞氣) is related with disease. We can diagnose disease by taking Chon Gu(寸口). 3) Chuk Jin(尺診) in Nae Kyoung(難經) have two things. One is Il Chuk(一尺), the other is Chon Kwan Chu(寸關尺). 4) Chuk Chon Jin(尺寸診) is the method which diagnose the difference of point and the condition of Mac(脈) by dividing a part of Chuk(尺) in the area of Chon Gu(寸口). In Chon Gu Jin(寸口診), by introducing the theory of Yin Yang(陰陽), the method of Chon Gu Jin(寸口診) is developed by chon Gu Jin(寸口診). 5) What Chuk Kwan Chon Jin(寸關尺診) is that area of the Chon Gu(寸口) are divided fot three point, we can diagnose. By consulting Sam Bu Gu Who Jin(三部九候診), developping of the method of acupunture, utilzing the theory of five element(五行) it is devised by concentrating way of thinking of the method mac Jin(脈診) exiting. 6) Chon Kwan Chuk Jin MaC(寸關尺診脈) begin from Nae Kyoung(內徑) exiting. After Nan Kyoung(內徑), spread out widely from Mac Kyoung(脈診) of Wang Suk wha(王叔和), the future medicins followed it. Yang Hyun Jo(楊玄操) and established Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸關尺診) which is used widely today. This right and left Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸關尺診), we call it method of Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac(六部定位診脈). 7) We can think the base which presume the arrangement of the viscera for Chon Kwan Chuk(寸關尺) of the right and the left. 8) The origin, which seperate the right and the left of Mac(脈), is showed at the treory of Ji Jin Yo Dae(至眞要大論) in So Mun(素問) which Chon Chuk(寸尺) seperate the right and the left. But the method of diagnosis in Nan Kyoung(難經) have no seperation the fight and the left. Otherwise this. there is clearly writtened the seperation for the right origin of the method of Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac(六部定位診脈) seek for Cang Gong(倉公). 9) Yang Hyun Jo(楊玄操) notice that the Chuk(尺) is mentioned for Sam Cho(三焦) in the method of Mac Kyuong(脈經), Sim Po Kyung(心包經) which put together with Sam Cho(三焦) allot on this, he had established the method of Yuk Bu Jung Wee Jin Mac(六部定位診脈). 10) On the method of Paen Jak Yin Yang Mac(扁鵲陰陽脈) in Mac Kyoung(脈經), equal article exist with the theory of Pyung In Kee Sang(平人氣象論) in So Mun(素問). When Wang Suk Wha(王叔和) write Mac Kyung(脈經), we can presume that the book of Mac(脈) which Paen Jak(扁鵲) had experienced the origin have exited besides So Mun(素問), Young Chu(靈樞). If so he must be make Chon Kwan Chuk Jin(寸關尺診) very fairly standard. So Nae Kyoung(內經), which must be fllowed the method of Paen Jak Mac(扁鵲脈), do the method diagnosis of Chon Kwan Chuk(寸關尺), diagnise of disease and treat.

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The Aspects of Change of Sijo (시조의 변이 양상)

  • Kang Myeoung-Hye
    • Sijohaknonchong
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    • v.24
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    • pp.5-46
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    • 2006
  • Korean verse has flexibly changed its form and contents according to the historical background of the times. This fact arouses reader sympathy because it has reflected ideas, historical aspects and realities of the times. However, korean verse has kept its own characteristics in some ways, allowing it to exist today. It holds its form as 3 verses of three by three or four meter and three letters of the last of three verses. It makes every different version which has specific aspects of each times in the same 'sijo' area. 'Sijo' in Korean poems, is the first form that has been changed from formal to private functionally. As a result of that common verses in the Goryeo to Joseon eras were going with the stream of the times. Verse was the plate for justice so that there was no double meaning, symbols, or technical sentences. It had to show the idea of Myungchundo Jwonginryun. The theme was commonly fitted within certain areas. such as blessings, fidelity, devotion, etc. Around the end of the Joseon era, there was activation of private verses - a form of sijo with no restrictions on the length of the first two verses. Some ideas had been changed because Sarimpa gained power, domestic conflict, and the introduction of practical science. These things had an effect on the form of Sijo. After all, it shows the ideas of collapsing feudalism, resistance of confucian ideas, equality of the sexes, and opposition to the group who rule the government. Thus Sasul Sijo seems to have the tendency of resistance to reality. It was a specialty of realism poetry It explained our life in detail and reflected real life by being an intermediary of realism. This met and represented the demand of a reader's expectations. After 1905, there was new form of sijo that is very different, in form and content, from the previous versions. It was even different in areas of what people accepted. They started to think sijo was not the form of lyrical verse that is once was. It became a 'record of reading'. The form changed to 'hung or huhung' that satirized the times and the ending of a word in the last verse. Although this form could deliver the tension in statement, it was too iu from the original form. Therefore, it didn't last long, and its position got smaller because of the free verse that had western influence and was emerging in the times. In the middle of 1920, there was a movement of Sijo revival. It was lead by Choinamsun. He wrote poems and Sijo which were effected by western ideas in his early works. Although he worked with that, he took the lead in the movement of Sijo revival. He published the collection of Sijo $\ulcorner$Baekpalbunnwoi$\lrcorner$ that has one major theme-patriotic sentiment. He thought an ancient poem was a part of racial characteristics so that he expressed the main theme which represented the times and situations of his era. Modern Sijo is difficult. Sijo has to have modern and Korean verse characteristics at the same time. If it considers a modern aspect too much, it could not be distinguished from sijo and free verse. If it overly leans toward Sijo. it would seem to be too conservative which it then could be said to have no real charm of a poem. In spite of these problems, it is written constantly, because it has its own specialty. It has been focused on some works because they reflect awareness of modern times, the democratic idea, and realism. Overall, the authors of Modern Sijo express various themes by using different forms. The more what we can guess in this work, Sijo will exist permanently because of its flexibility. Furthermore, one special characteristic-flexibility of the korean verse will make it last forever and it will be a genre in Korean poetry.

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Comparison of Seedling Survival Rate and Growth among 8 Different Tree Species in Seosan Reclamation Area (서산 간척지에서 8개 교목 수종의 묘목 생육 비교)

  • Park, Pil Sun;Kim, Kyung Yoon;Jang, Woongsoon;Han, Ahreum;Jo, Jaechang;Kim, Jun-Beom;Kim, Jee-han
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.98 no.4
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    • pp.496-503
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    • 2009
  • Reclamation area is characterized by high soil salinity and high ground water table that are not favorable environment for tree growth. However, the increasing demand to convert the reclamation area from rice cultivation fields to industrial or residential complex, or parks accompanies the idea of introduction of trees in the area. This study aimed to suggest better performed tree species for the tree planting in the Seosan reclamation area, Chungchungnam-do. Seedlings of 8 tree species (Pinus densiflora, Pinus thunbergii, Metasequoia glyptostroboides, Chionanthus retusus, Cornus kousa, Prunus sargentii, Quercus acutissima, and Zelkova serrata) were planted in 4 types of 10 m ${\times}$ 10 m experimental plots. The survival rate and the height growth of seedlings were measured from April 2006 to November 2008 on an annual basis. The experimental plots were constructed using 2 different soil material (dredged sand and dredged sand + forest soil), and 2 soil covering depth (1.5 m and 2.0 m). The tree species showed different survival rates for 3 years since planting (F = 9.632, P < 0.001). C. kousa, Q. acutissima, and P. sargentii showed high mortality rate while P. thunbergii, M. glyptostroboides and Z. serrata showed lower mortality rates. The seedling height growth for 3 years was also significantly different among species (F=4.749, P=0.002). Most of seedlings showed lower height growth in the second year, and the growth began to recover in the third year after transplanting. The survival rate and the growth of the seedlings were better in higher soil covering depth and forest soil material plots regardless of species. The combination of rank orders in survival rate and relative height growth indicates that P. thunbergii, M. glyptostroboides and Z. serrata would perform better than other species used in the experiment, while C. retusus, C. kousa and P. sargenti may not adapt well to this area.

A Study on the Arrangements of YangjinDang in Sang-ju Foundation by Date on the Excavation and Jungsuki (중수기 및 발굴 자료로 본 상주 양진당의 배치에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Chan-Yeung;Chung, Myung-Sup
    • Journal of architectural history
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    • v.20 no.4
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    • pp.61-80
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    • 2011
  • This study estimated the prototype of Yangjindang at the time of its foundation by putting together the literature and discovered data and historical research on family related to Sangju Yangjindang, and looked at its architectural characteristics. These are summarized as follows: First, Yangjindang is an office building which was completed in three years [1629] after its start of construction when Keomgan Jojeong was at the age of 72 [1626] in his latter days and it was used for performing ancestral rites for Jojeong's forefathers of the head family of Pungyang Jo by family origin. Yangjindang was founded as a base of utopia for putting ancestral rites & commemoration, harmoniousness of a tribe, and educational idea into practice together with Ojakdang. Such a movement can be judged to interpret and apply the circumstances of the times realistically and flexibly where they tried to pursue the promotion of Confucianism & studies of the proprieties as well as the consciousness of practice, and to bring a tribe into harmony after the war through the retirement of Toegye School. Second, it is located at a topographically ideal spot on the edge of the Jangcheon-a tributary of Nakdong with a good physiology and landscape and its location was also the lot for a house of Jojeong's ancestor, which was burned down by war. Behind such a location and planning of Yangjindang, it is presumed, though not certain that it was modelled after Naeap village at Andong- Jojeong's parents-in-low's home. Third, as for its foundation size, it's a head house as much as about more than 100-kan, and its structure is composed of Samyo, Bonche, and Yangjindang. In addition, arrangements of buildings and its composition system and renovation procedures followed Chu-tzu Garyoe. Composition of Samyo can be restored to Yangjindang, Jugo, Woesammun, and Samyo; however, there has been no case of existence in case of Jugo building composition & arrangement takes on an aspect of a compromise between Gamyojido and Sandangjido of Garoe, which seems to be the result from flexibly interpreting and applying the rituals and studies of the proprieties of Toegye School in keeping with locational topography and realistic circumstances while making it a principle for them to observe by Toegye School. There exists a difference between Bonche and its counterpart of the upper class housing at Sangju district in that Bonche[main building] is a squre-shaped 'Ttuljip' typical of Andong setting a family ancestral ritual as a main function. Fourth, there existed a lot of hardships in raising money to cover repairs in time of doing repairs to this structure after 180 years since its establishment. In case of the repair work on Bonche, the level of renovation was limited to the replacement of old materials for rafters, doorpost, roof members and railings with new materials, together with partial alterations in case of window system. It is estimated that Yangjindang was renovated in 1808, and afterwards it was renamed Okryujeong after being re-built at another site. Through the repairs, the floor was expanded for the clan's meeting, and angle rafters and roof members were mended as well. Especially, the plane and structure of Okryujeong which was re-built at another site are expected to give clues to its restoration due to the resemblance to original appearance of Yangjindang at the time of its renovation in 1808.