• Journal of Korea Entertainment Industry Association
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• v.13 no.8
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• pp.243-253
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• 2019

Geyonggi-geommu have developed based on the long history of Korean sword dance. Han Sung-joon, the great master of modern music and dance of Korea during the Japanese colonial period, collected and reconstructed folk dances that had disappeared or were cut off due to the policy to obliterate Korean culture through Chosun Music Dance Research Society. Since then, it has been passed down to Kang Sun-young and Kim Geun-hee that has designated as the Intangible Cultural Property No. 53. of Geyonggi-do in 2011. This study focuses on highlighting the uniqueness of Geyonggi-geommu for proper modeling and transmission of Geyonggi-geommu with historical significance so as to understand and preserve the Intangible Cultural Heritage. This study examines the transmission system of Geyonggi-geommu, followed by Kang Sun-young and Kim Geun-hee, originated by the master Han Sung-Joon of Geyonggi-geommu. Geyonggi-geommu has its uniqueness of using the pure Korean dance terminology established by the holder Kim Geun-hee at the time of designation of intangible cultural properties in Gyeonggi-do. The unique features of Geyonggi-geommu are performed and transmitted in two forms, Daemu(Group dance) and Holchum(Solo dance) which are not currently found in other regions. This is meaningful to passed down according to the original form of Geommu(Sword dance). In particular, the Holchum(Solo dance) is a form of artistic dance, showing the beauty of the sword dance during the Chosun Dynasty. In short, Gyeonggi-geommu can be described as an artistic dance with a soft and strong temperament considering its unique features.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.32 no.3
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• pp.7-20
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• 2023

The compositions of ethnic groups in Macau vary with time. Prior to the opening of the port, the majority of the residents in Macau were Chinese people, including those living on land and at sea. After the port was opened, with the increase of Portugal businessmen and missionaries, the population was divided into Chinese people and foreigners (so-called 'Yiren' or 夷人 in Chinese). Chinese people living on land were mainly of Hakka, Fujian, and Cantonese descent. Those living at sea were referred to as 'Tanka People' (named 'Danmin' or 蜑民in Chinese). They lived on floating boats for their entire lives and were similar to the 'drifters' in Japan. Since modern times, many refugees from mainland China and Southeast Asia flooded into Macau due to warfare. The development of industrialization required a larger number of laborers, and some 'coolies' entered Macau in legal or illegal ways, making it a multi-ethnic city. However, the Tanka people were not considered a minority ethnic group under the national ethnic policy of 56 ethnic groups since they did not have an exclusive language and shared dialects in different regions. As the ports inhabited by Tanka people gradually restored foreign trade, the boats and stilt houses used by Tanka people were dismantled to expand the infrastructure area of the ports. Many Tanka people began to live on land and marry people on land, leading to the disappearance of the Tanka group in Macau. The fishing boats and stilt houses used by Tanka people have also disappeared, with only a few remaining in areas such as Pearl River Delta and Hong Kong. This paper examines the natural and social environment of Tanka people in Macau from the Ming and Qing dynasties to the Republic of China, as well as the adaptive changes they adopted for the aforementioned environment in terms of living space and architectural type, on the basis of summarizing the historical activities of Tanka people. Finally, this study provides a layout plan and interior structure of the most commonly used boat for Tanka people from the Ming and Qing dynasties to the Republic of China, with the use of CAD and other technical software, along with reference to written historical documentation, and provides a case study for further research on the architectural history of Macau's inner harbor cities, from anthropological and folklore perspectives.

• Women's Studies Review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.145-183
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• 2010

This study has compared South Korea with Taiwan, a society which has an almost non-hierarchical college culture in spite of its social and historical similarities to Korea, including the recruit system. By the means of quantitative and qualitative comparative studies and analysis, it has tried to clarify the reasons behind the hierarchical and sexist military culture of Korean universities. According to the comparative studies, Taiwan's college culture is less hierarchical than that of South Korea, and support for the necessity of hierarchy is weaker. Hierarchy had a greater influence on the payment of meals, appellations and society admissions in South Korea. Elements of military culture such as violence or group discipline were usually only present in South Korean college culture. Male-centered drinking and prostitution culture was also found to be stronger in South Korea. The historical and social reason for these differences is that Taiwan has a weaker basis for nationalism and militarism, both essential factors in the founding of hierarchical and collective culture. The most direct reason for the lack of hierarchy in Taiwanese college culture is the period of recruitment. In South Korea, young men usually apply for military service during the first or second year or college, and return to school as second or third-year studies. In Taiwan, however, men are usually recruited after having graduated from college. Students who have served in the army have proved to have a significant influence on violence, hierarchy and drinking culture in Korea's college culture. South Korea's college culture has two main problems. The first is that South Korean college students are not able to be critical towards the harms of South Korea's oppressively hierarchical collective culture, and therefore do not develop the strength to fight against it. This is all the more problematic because they are the future components of South Korea's main institutions. The second is that it roots male-centeredness even further into the South Korean mentality.

• Korean Association for Visual Culture
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• v.16
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• pp.131-161
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• 2010

This thesis investigates the cultural meanings of the first optical instrument, Camera obscura, in the pre-modern age, while it explains the development as well as the use of the Camera obscura in Europe and Korea. For this purpose the thesis traces the significant phases of the historical developments of the Camera obscura from L. da Vinci, G. B. della Porta, D. Barbaro, A. Kircher to J. Zahn etc. The Camera obscura was not only the symbolic instrument of the modernism in the sense that human being wanted to observe the outer world by himself and to be freed from the viewpoint of the christianity, but also was the forerunner of the modern visual culture, because it first time reproduced the artificial image of the natural world. Since the second half of the 17th century the box-type reflex Camera obscura had been produced, it began to be used as aid to drawing for painters like J. Vermeer, A. Canaletto and J. Reynolds etc. throughout Europe. It tells the evidence of the close relation between art and technology in the pre-modern age. Around the end of the 18th century the Camera obscura was brought to Korea, the closed country of the Fareast, by the scholars of the so-called 'Realist school' (Silhak-pa) who went to Beijing to acquire knowledges on the Western science from the European priests. In 1780s Yak-yong JUNG, one of the representative scholars of the Realist school, experimented the Camera obscura, and then, it was used for sketches of higher aristocrats' portraits by the supreme portrait painter of that time, Myoung-ki LEE. Those were possible only under the reign of the culturally liberal and reformative King, Jung-jo (ruled 1776-1800), and after his retreatment the inquiry of the Camera obscura had been dimished. It is not a historical coincidence that the Camera obscura could be examined and used in the period of the Enlightment both in Europe and Korea.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
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• v.33 no.4
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• pp.37-67
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• 2023

Arbitration is a just and efficient method for resolving economic disputes. It adapts to the needs of economic development and is an important institution in today's society. Around the world, a tradition of resolving disputes through arbitration spontaneously developed in ancient times and gradually evolved into a legal system with the development of jurisprudence starting from the Middle Ages. In China, formal legislation on arbitration began in the modern era during the Republic of China period. However, the origins of arbitration as a method for resolving disputes can be traced back to ancient times, during the Qin and Han dynasties. The most significant modern arbitration legislation in China is the "Arbitration Law" enacted in 1995, which drew on the experiences of foreign arbitration laws. Despite this, there are still many areas in arbitration legislation that require improvement based on practical experiences. Currently, revisions to the Arbitration Law are underway, and historical experiences may offer valuable insights, assisting in better integrating the Arbitration Law with Chinese society. This article primarily focuses on the role and impact of the imported modern commercial arbitration system in China and how it can be harmonized with China's legal culture in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.28-37
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• 2013

As a symbolic landscape of Seoul, Namsan has undergone not only physical changes but also changes in its human use and characteristics. At this point, research on Namsan, which holds diverse stories that have accumulated over a long period, as a cultural landscape is necessary. In particular, a concrete understanding of the characteristics of the mountain's use in the period of its initiation as a modern park is an important task in research on the history of urban parks. Consequently, the purpose of the present study lies in grasping the use of Namsan at the time of the establishment of Kyongsungbu Namsan Park Design Proposal in 1917 and examining the characteristics per space. The research process was based on the status of the park design plan. The primary source of information came from the analysis of historical newspaper articles. Additional materials including documents, old maps, photographs, postcard materials were also used. The period of the study was 1883 to 1917. This time was the initial period of Namsan Park soon after the opening up of Korea's ports to the world. The major spaces in which Namsan was used as a park encompassed Hanyang Park, Waeseongdae Park, Noin-jeong, Jangchung-dan, and remaining parts of Namsan in a natural state. When the main ways in which each space is used are examined based on the data analyzed, Namsan has been used for purposes including public events, accidents, religious worship, track and field days, field trips, and strolls. When the nature of each of the spaces is determined in terms of the characteristics of their use, these spaces were characterized as community parks, outdoor community spaces, indoor community spaces, sports arenas, and natural parks, among other things. The present study is significant in terms of research on the history of parks for confirming that Namsan in the initial period already served as a modern park for urban activities and grasping the specific urban activities that were engaged in on Namsan.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.56-77
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• 2010

The tortoise pedestal for the memorial monument of Choe Jin-rip(an army officer in the mid-Joseon Period) in Ijo-ri, Naenam-myeon, Gyeongju is known to have been made in 1740. As such, it was originally understood to be a Joseon imitation of a tortoise pedestal made in the Unified Silla Period. The style of the Ijori Tortoise Pedestal differs from other tortoise pedestals dating back to the same period, and bears no resemblance to the Unified Silla pedestals of which it is a copy. Mullu ilgi, a record of the production of the pedestal, explains that the monument was made before the pedestal. Traces show that the two sides of the bottom of the monument were cut off so that it would fit into the smaller space made on the pedestal. It is scarcely conceivable that they made the pedestal and the platform without considering the bottom size of the monument. The record only states that the monument was made at a temple site named Baegundae, without explaining the details of the production process. This leaves some doubt as to whether its production was undertaken systematically. The cloud patterns engraved on this pedestal look similar to the temporal seriation found on the Tortoise Pedestal of the Royal Tomb of King Muyeol and the Seoangni Tortoise Pedestal of Gyeongju. The lotus pattern decorating the square pedestal on the back of the tortoise is one of a number of patterns that were widely used on roof-tiles in the 8th century, the heyday of the Unified Silla Kingdom. The Ijori Tortoise Pedestal, which represents a tortoise moving forward, displays a liveliness the like of which is rarely found in its cousins remaining in Gyeongju. The layout of the patterns in a queue on the tortoise-shell looks much better schematized than those made at an earlier date. It also looks like a more developed form, with the use of space taken into account. Such factors as the style of the patterns, the incongruity between the monument and its pedestal, and what is stated in the historical record indicate that the Ijori Tortoise Pedestal of Gyeongju was made in the mid-8th century(i.e. during the Unified Silla Period), rather than in the Joseon Period(i.e. the 18th century), as an imitation of earlier ones, including changes in the style unique to the Silla Period.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.120-137
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• 2021

There were five palaces built during the Joseon Period. Gyeongbokgung Palace was the first one, founded in the 4th year of King Taejo (1395), and depending on the historical interpretation, Changdeokgung Palace, Changgyeonggung Palace, Gyeongungung Palace (Deoksugung), and Gyeongdeokgung Palace (Gyeonghuigung) were also built. The palaces represent the best architecture of the time. In addition, the palaces of the Joseon period have been rebuilt several times, so they contain the architectural history of the Joseon period over the last 500 years. In this paper, all the excavations of five palaces in the Joseon Period were surveyed, and the foundations of the buildings were analyzed. In particular, the aim of this paper is to investigate Jeoksim (foundations of buildings under cornerstone) to understand the characteristics of each palace by period. Accordingly, the changes of the construction techniques of the foundations of the palaces were studied. There are a total of 23 types of Jeoksim. All five palaces have a certain type (I~V) of construction technique, thus it was confirmed that there was a certain pattern in the method of constructing the foundations of palace buildings in the Joseon Dynasty. In addition, Jeoksim was mainly built by certain materials and construction methods (I-1) during the 14th to the 17th century, but new types of Jeoksim were built in the palaces starting from the 18th century, during the reign of King Jeongjo. In the 19th century, when King Gojong sat on the throne, the Jeoksim was built in various shapes, materials, and in 22 types of construction methods. Up to now, research on the remains of palaces were mainly conducted on the Gyeongbokgung Palace, so it was not possible to confirm the foundations of 17th-18th century buildings, where reconstruction had stopped after the Imjin War in 1592. However, through this study, it was possible to classify the transition periodsstheir features periods of palace building foundation construction from the 14th to the 20th century by comparing the remains of five palace building sites.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.38
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• pp.153-182
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• 2021

The Buddhist monk, Kim Ji-jang (金地藏), a native of Silla, is still revered as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva in China. In Chinese Buddhism, Kim Ji-jang's becoming Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is unique in at least two ways. First, it is said that his becoming the bodhisattva originated not in Silla, but in China, a foreign country. Second, it is said that the historical person became regarded as a mythical being, Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The process of Kim Ji-jang's becoming Bodhisattva can be divided into three periods. The first period is the period of entering and practicing at Mount Jiuhua in China, and this also includes the period wherein he was first revered as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The second period begins immediately after Kim Ji-jang's death and ends three years later. In this period he became regarded as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva. The third period spans three years after his death to the present age. His status as Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva carries on at present. There are two main causes for Kim Ji-jang's transformation into the bodhisattva. The first is an internal bodhisattva process. According to Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva's main vow, Kim Ji-jang's practice and edification impressed the public. The second is an external bodhisattva process. The miracles that appeared at the time of his death or the manifestation of the incorruptible relics three years after his death played a decisive role in the process of Kim Ji-jang becoming a bodhisattva. In line with the public's devotion, the Chinese imperial family repaired and supported the temple that enshrined the relics of Kim Ji-jang. Various factors could be analyzed in the process of Kim Ji-jang's becoming Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva, but more than anything else, it was Kim Ji-jang's severe ascetic practices and his virtuous edification of others.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.3
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• pp.218-247
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• 1989

As mentioned above, I got the next conclusion since I had considered the medical contents of the ancient period(上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea(古朝鮮時代) through several bibliographic records. 1. There were Pung-baeg(風伯), Uh-sa(雨師), Un-sa(雲師) that were the names of the governmental officials during the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄). Among them, Uh-sa specially managed the treatment for diseases. When we think of the significance of Pung(風)-which means the winds, Uh(雨)-which means the rain, Un(雲)-which means of clouds, we will find out that the human life will be affected by all kinds of phenomena of the nature. So I can infer that ancestries could prevent and treat diseases with adjusting them tn the changes in the weather. 2. There were five government officials(五事) in the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄上古時代). They are Uh-ga(牛加), Ma-ga(馬加), Ku-ga(狗加), Cheo-ga(猪加) and Yang-ga(羊加), and had charges of five important duties. Among them, Cheo-ga was set to a charge of treatment for diseases. So we can notice that there existed people who treated for diseases professionally. When we think of the meanings of Uh(牛)-which intends cows or bulls. Ma(馬)-which intends horses, Ku(狗)-which intends dogs, Cheo(猪)-which intends wild boars and Yang(羊)-which intends sheep, we can see that livestocks would be raised at that time, and they came to have more chances to digest meat. Since the digestion of meat became to be a burden on the stomach and the intestines, it might cause a lot of indigestive troubles. 3. When I compared Tan-gun Pal-ga(檀君八加) with the Oh-ga(五加) in the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄上古時代), I could tell that the community of Tan-gun's period is more advanced and specialized than one of Whan-ung's. When I think of the next sentence ; "The Prince Imperial, Bu-u(夫虞) become to be a Ro-ga(鷺加), who treat for diseases professionally.", I am sure that the treatment for diseases was more importment than any other things, because he was the third son of Tan-gun(檀君). 4. According to Tan-gun(檀君) mythology, Whan-ung(桓雄) came down from the heaven of the pure Yang(純陽) to the earth and then changed into a man who had had more Yang(陽) than Yin(陰). And a bear came up from the underground(or the cave) to the ground and then changed into a women who had had more Yin(陰) than Yang(陽). So both of them became to hold together. This story implicated that ancestors had taken a serious view of each of them, namely the ancestors didn't give the ascendance to the one side of them, and made much account of the mutual harmony. So I am sure that this fact coincided with the basic theories of oriental medical science. To refer to two proverbs of Tan-gun mythology that are "Ki-Sam-Chil-Il(忌三七日)" which means caring for twenty one days, and "Pul-Gyon-Il-Gwang-Baeg-Il(不見日光百日)" which means keeping indoors for one hundred days, I can tell you that "twenty-one-day" involves the principle of the birth of life, and "one-hundred-day" contains a preparatory period or the period of death to bear another life. 5. From the medical stuff, such as wormwood(艾), garlic(蒜), or wonder-working herbage(靈草), that had been written at the bibliographic papers of the ancient period(上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea(古朝鮮時代), I consider that many people might get a lot of women's diseases, indigestive troubles, and other diseases that were caused by the weakness, but with using various spices, such as the leaves of water pepper(蔘), they could prevent the occurrance of all kinds of diseases previously. So I regard this treatment as the medicine from food. 6. One of the sayings at Nae-gyong(內經) is that "The stone accupuncture(砭石) came from the orient." We can see both "wonder-wor-king wormwood(靈草)" and "dried wormwood(乾艾)" in the several bibliographic papers of the ancient history of the old-Korea(朝鮮上古史). From these records, I can be convinced that ancestors would utilize the acupuncture(針) and the moxa cautery(灸) to cure a patient of a disease. 7. Even though someone claimed that the book, "medical science and chemistry(醫學化學)" and "medical treatment(醫學大方)" had had been written during the ancient period of the old-Korea(上古朝鮮時代), such a fact can't have been ascertained historical evidence. But it has been handed down that there existed the original phonetic alphabet, such as the "Ka-Im-To alphabet(加臨土文字)" at that time. The terms about the diseases, which had been occurred at the community of the old-Korea(古朝鮮地域), were recorded fragmentarily at other records after that time. The origin of confucianism came from the race of the eastern barbarians, and Tae-Ho-Pok-Hi(太嗅伏義) and the king. Sun(舜) came from the eastern barbarians, too. The divination of tortoise shells at the country of Un(殷) is another from which was developed at the eastern barbarians' fortune-telling of animal bones. From these facts, I can infer that, by all means, they might record the medical knowledge which had been stored for thousands of years while contacting with china directly.