• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.135-150
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• 2016

This paper studied on the geographical distribution location arrangement and the social construction of Pungsu discourse and the Pungsu(Fengshui) management of royal tombs on the Joseon Dynasty from the historical, cultural geographical perspective. The Pungsu landscape of royal tombs during the Joseon dynasty was the direct result of the political dynamics among the king, his family, other royal families, and various groups of vassals. Pungsu was a important factor in deciding tomb sites or landscapes, but it was a secondary factor to politics in the Joseon Dynasty. The primary factor was politics, clearly showing Pungsu's status in social discourse. The royal tomb Pungsu is defined as the Pungsu discourse of the Joseon Dynasty period which is combined with Confucian ideology in Korean Pungsu history.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.7-24
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• 2014

The purpose of this research is to clarify the valuable industrial heritages of rice mill industry complex remained in Incheon. In order to clarify the formation of integrated historical setting of rice mill industry of Incheon, we analyzed the old map of Incheon's old Jemulpo area and data on address, locations and happenings surrounding rice mill factories and relevant facilities. From here, we could find out the 4 representative rice mill industry area of integrated historical setting and 2 other supporting service area for rice mill industry in old city center of Incheon. Specifically, we could figure out the incremental stages to establish the rice mill industry in Incheon. In the first stage, the rice mill factories were established near foreign settlement area where trading offices and warehouses were equipped. And the second stage reflect the needs of expanding area for Japanese capitalism with the new landfill area. In the final stage, Korean rice mill owners established the korean laborers community near Korean residential area. This formation of integrated historical setting reflecting Incheon's rice mill industry is the identical industrial heritages and urban structures to show the tension and conflict between Japanese and Korean laborers' life in the Japanese Colonial Period.

• Journal of The Korean Astronomical Society
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• v.53 no.6
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• pp.125-138
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• 2020

We determine the observing sites for eclipses of large magnitude recorded in ancient Chinese chronicles from 200 BCE to 900 CE, by adopting the difference between terrestrial time and universal time, ΔT, given by Morrison & Stephenson (2004). The records of solar eclipses with large magnitude are divided into four groups in accordance with the historical variations of the capital cities of ancient Chinese dynasties. We determine areas in which all the eclipses in each group, with an eclipse magnitude larger than a certain threshold value, could be observed. We find that these areas coincide with the historical capitals, which agrees with the general idea that the solar eclipses were observed at the capital of each dynasty. This result also verifies the ΔT values during the period from 100 BCE to 400 CE, during which historical records of eclipses are so rare that the ΔT values can only be obtained by interpolating the long-term data. Moreover, we show that the eclipses described by the term Ji in East-Asian history are not all total eclipses; their mean magnitude is 0.96 ± 0.04. We find that complementary expressions, such as dark daytime and appearance of stars during the eclipse, strengthen the possibility that eclipses described by the term Ji were total. We also provide quantitative definitions for expressions such as 'being not complete and like a hook', 'being almost complete', 'visibility of stars during the eclipse', and 'darkness during an eclipse.' The literal meanings of these expressions are in agreement with the recent physical modeling of sky brightness during total eclipses provided by Können & Hinz (2008).

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.29-39
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• 2013

This paper deals with the study of a manuscript on Rakhine history which is deposited today in Oriental and India Office Collection of the British Library as the accession number OR 3465 A. The External Criticism of this manuscript shows that it is a manuscript, which was commissioned Nga Mi to compile by Sir Arthur P. Phayre by making references of the existing Rakhine chronicles in the early colonial period, as Phayre wanted a historical account with an outline of the royal dynasties. The Internal Criticism reveals that the compiler Nga Mi did not invent the writing of his own but drawn the sources from various Rakhine chronicles in compiling his work. And Sir Arthur Phayre who used this Nga Mi Chronicle or OR 3465 A as the chief source in writing Rakhine history. He did not analyse the mythical, supernatural and improbable elements in Nga Mi Rakhine Razawin. Phayre did not problematicize any historical issue from Nga Mi Chronicle. One of the outstanding examples of the legend of King Min Saw Mon is discussed in this paper. As Arthur Phayre took this account from Nga Mi Chronicle and framed the story into a convincing narrative in his "History of Burma", the scholars after Phayre have continued to present the legend as a historical fact.

• Journal of the Korean Society of School Health
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• v.17 no.2
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• pp.127-150
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• 2004

Objectives: The purpose of this study is to provide a basic structure for the establishment of the direction of school health programs, an overview of the historical changes of school health programs and their results, and a conceptual framework on school health programs. Methods: The data analysis has been done using a statistical almanac, relevant laws and regulations, operation handbook of the program, theses, reports, records of public hearings, and other reports as a technical research primarily based on evidence. The methodology of this research classifies the development and growth transition of school health programs during a historical period through the investigation of regulations, organization, manpower, and its program via its development process and to provide a basic tool to design a solid school health policy. Results: A The growth and development of school health programs The development of school health programs was classified into three different periods including the forthcoming period (1945~1967), the completion period (1967~1993), and the actualization period based on the establishment of legislation for School Health Law, other relevant legislation, and the contents of school health programs (1993~present). B. Policy direction of school health programs School health programs have reestablished their goals and range based on basic direction, and developed the W1it model of information structure for school health program management and its basic structure. Finally, the stepwise support system through the building of the school health support center is recommended. (1) The basic direction of school health programs has proposed 7 basic goals to reestablish the policy direction of health improvement based on total health. (2) The W1it model of information system and the school health information system for school health program management has been developed to utilize positive management. (3) School health policy through the study of the health laws and systems has been developed. The necessity of school health support center for the policy support, functional support and operation support has also been proposed. Conclusions: It is necessary to build a school health support center that consists of health professionals in charge of policy support, functional support, and program support of school health programs in order to realize and develop new policy.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.36 no.1
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• pp.35-51
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• 2001

Social historical geography is interested in geographical elements related with a social group and perceives the diverse dimensions of a geographical phenomenon. The purpose of this study is to examine and interpret the multi-layers of meanings associated with the ancestral places of lineage group, i.e. Bonkwans(本貫)in Korea with a viewpoint to social historical geography. The term Bonkwan does not appear in any historical records prior to ths 10th century. Thereafter it is used continuoushy by lineage groups or by govermment agents till the 17th century. I believe that during this long-term period Bonkwan assumed multiple geographical meanings which varied from period to period, such as residence place, a place of origin, and a place symbolizing power. Each layer of meaning was the product of a certain period and of a cetain lineage. Its first meaning was produced in the early Koryo kingdom. Its second meaning from late in the same kingdom to the early part of Chosun kingdom. In order to understand the meaning of Bonkwan correctively, we need to see it at a large perspective. That is to say, it needs to be viewed in the framework of immigration study of each lineage because the term is more is moreof a social construct than a fixed notion.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.45-54
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• 2016

The purpose of this article was to not only review historically the growth and development of dancesport, to but also seek to inform the value and prospect of dancesport in Korea. To achieve the purpose of the paper, the result of this article was framed into four time periods for a historical review of Korean dancesport growth and development: the late 1880s - the mid 1940s, the late 1940s - the late 1980s, 1990s and 2000s onwards. First, the first period was from the late 1880s to the mid 1940s when the nation accepted a social dance and western dance and tradition especially in upper-class Korean society. Second, the second period was from the late 1940s to the late 1980s when social dances (or ballroom dance) were suppressed under the military-based regime. The most likely explanation for this was a tradition that Korea society consider distinction between the sexes as a virtue. Third, third period was the 1990s when the social dance (ballroom dance) was developed officially into dancesport. Actually, the 1990s saw the sport built up a positive image while a negative image was portrayed by the military-based government. Fourth, the fourth period was the 2000s onwards when the sport has been developed as a sport and culture in a sound and systematic manner. Indeed, the sport has come to meet the public tastes.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.47
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• pp.50-73
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• 2009

A tendency to ignore the existence of public space in Korea under the Japanese colonial period seems to be driven from nationalist historiography in which all historical events under the colonial power have to be interpreted in terms of militant controls and resistances against them. Historical approach to mass media of that period has lasted to be saturated with the tendency and forced history students to stick to the nationalist guidelines. Struggles against Japanese imperial power by national-capital-operated newspaper have been a main menu of studies on the period's communication. The media were often hailed as fighting the colonial power for nation's independence. The present thesis aims to criticize the nationalist point of view and to reveal that nationalist interpretations may miss a variety of historical information. Even under the severe surveillance of colonial police some journalists tried either to inform officially or to smuggle into informed groups. The colonized society could experienced fields of public-ness throughout the practices of such as media fields, cultural fields, political fields. Those fields, of course, didn't come from the graceful favor of the colonial power but from the construction of the colonized. The public-ness seemed to be born for the easiness of control, but became later a constructed field of public-ness with which the colonized semiotically wrestled the power and grew a modern type of political (un)consciousness. Depicting what happened just before 815 liberation day in Korea the present paper showed that the less nationalist historiography can render help to those seeking political practices of the colonized in a micro-level.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.243-267
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• 2016

Deonum preexisted prior to it being named. Of course, the object designated as deonum at that time is not the same as the object designated as deonum at this time. There have been historical transitions in the definitions of the term deonum. This paper traced the term deonum to its origin from another angle. On closer inspection about the possible use as the everyday language and the technical language in the field of arts except for pansori, the term deonum was essentially a word for a tune. Deonum was in the same category as deureum, a great word in the Korean traditional music. But the definition of deonum as a tune used in the early part of the former period of eight master singers or before that gradually disappeared for a long time. When the term deonum as an everyday language first entered the field of pansori, it meaned characteristic tune singed by master singers. As pansori develop artistically, the term deonum changed into the word refers to the sori part, and this example become common in the former period of eight master singers. Most sori part acknowledged as a deonum in the former period of eight master singers was a deonum as a creative repertories, the master singer's creative work, but a deonum as a popular repertories, the master singer's specialty, began to be acknowledged as a deonum after the latter period of eight master singers. The differentiation between the definitions of deonum as a sori part occured. And most sori part acknowledged as a deonum after the modern era of five master singers have belonged to a deonum as a specialty. In this context, it was confirmed that Cheong Nosik wrote Joseonchanggeuksa, with carefully considering the historical change of definitions of deonum. This book includes three definitions of deonum, a deonum as a tune, a deonum as a creative work, and deonum as a specialty.

• Korean Journal of Human Ecology
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.189-200
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• 2009

In the Edo period speaking of hair culture, common women wore decorative pigtail ribbons on the right, and twisted from side to side their tressed hair in such a manner as ungeunmeori and traemeori. Instead of gachae, common women used gogae made of their own hair, ungeunmeori on forehead, or jjokjinmeori at the back of head. During the Edo period, people women naturally exposed their necklines as a way of exposing their faces in the aesthetically ceremonial act of wearing make-up. As for lipsticks, they rouged extracts from red petals of safflowers mainly on their lips, and sometimes on their cheeks by blending this with white powder. Samurai families disliked women who wore thick lip makeup. In the latter period, women painted their necklines or foreheads black, applied a small amount of rouge on their cheeks thinly or thickly, and colored a reddish color into their fingernails by using petals and leaves of balsam flowers. Despite the chronological and spatial proximity of the King Jeongjo period and the Edo period, it was found that there were no similarities between two countries' cosmetic cultures. Moreover, it was discovered that current TV dramas were being produced, even not based on historical evidence in the Jeongjo period.