• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.57 no.10
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• pp.129-141
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• 2007

In the cultural realm of Hinduism centering around India, traditional costumes such as Sari, and Dhoti are worn up to date under the influence of religious faith, tradition, and fundamentalism. The purpose of this study is to clarify the religious meaning of unstitched traditional Indian costume and inquire into the figurative beauty of it. This study revolved around India, and the aesthetic feature affected by hinduism was examined based on the literature references and the figurative feature and aesthetic value of unstitched costume were analyzed. The most important feature of Indian costume is the unstitched costume without joining pieces of cloth by using a needle and thread, symbolizing the purity based on the cosmology of Hindu. In the unstitched costume of India, natural drapery that is the large cloth, slipped or tied on body, wrapping it affluently, is emphasized. Unstitched costume of India, based on cosmology of Hindu and the concept of purity, is still broadly worn by people under the influence of fundamentalism and conservative atmosphere. Religious idea is expressed and a beauty of concealment, emphasizing the chastity, is shown in the unstitched costume of India, while a beauty of nature is distinctively revealed in the non-structural and asymmetric drapery costume due to the unique wearing style. In addition, 'A beauty of symbolism' appears in the wearing method, color, the part of wearing, and ornament. Religion has affected overall culture that is inclusive art, aesthetics, and social structure and has contributed to the formulation of costume style. Unstitched costume of India is the unique tradition of India and identity, based on the religious idea.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.67-105
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• 2014

This study focuses on the iconography of Hindu deities in Bagan period. As a country in Southeast Asia, Myanmar received her culture from Indianized culture. As aforesaid, sailors, traders, and settlers brought with them Brahmanism and Buddhism into Myanmar. A possibility is that local chiefs or the rulers invited Brahmans to conduct coronations, weddings, and burials in Brahmanical rites as they will much impressed by the Brahmanical thoughts and beliefs. Accordingly, Brahmanic icons as objects of worship are found quite in number of places, especially in Thaton, Bago, Vesali, Sriksetra, Bagan and Kawgoon. Apart from Buddhist iconography, the Brahmanic icons of various sects can be found in Bagan. Brahmanic deities are illustrated with Buddhist painting, which is a characteristic of Baganreligious iconography. Most of the scenes on Hinduism are to be found in NatlaungKyaung, Nanpaya and Shwesandaw Pagoda. Myanmar people, however, knowingly or unknowingly ignore some features of Indian deitiesand eventually the iconsare found in various places in Bagan.

• (The)Korea Educational Review
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• v.24 no.4
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• pp.287-311
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• 2018

This research identifies an educational ideal, purpose of goal intrinsic to Hindu ashrama and provide a concrete list of appropriate educational contents and methods in accordance with them. The ideal is moksa a pursuit of spiritual liberation. The goal is to be consciously aware of and practice the Dharma at each of the four stages of life, as preserved in ashrama, by completing the educational contents and methods in each stage. In the fist stage, the student stage, the goal is to learn social laws, recognize his vocation and responsibilities through studying Veda, and engage in apprenticeship with the teacher. In the second stage, the householder stage, the goal is to get married, take care of his family, and produce the kinds of service the society requires of him. In order to do so, he is expected to learn in his ordinary life the manners for family members and the ways of ancestral rituals. In the third stage, the self-disciplined stage, the goal is to retire from social responsibilities, behave in accordance with norms and rules, and set oneself free from material desire. In order to do so, he is expected to complete the eight stage of yoga and practice asceticism. In the four stage, the nirvana stage, the goal is to completely free from obsession and reaches the spiritual liberation. In order to do so, one is expected to participate in meditation and pilgrimage to the Holy Land until he reaches the final point.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.129-152
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• 2008

Early Buddhist rock cave temples of India, in spite of being an origin of Buddhist temples, has little been studied in Korea. After field studies and an interpretation of their forms in conjunction with religious life, precedent theories are supplemented and refuted as follows. Starting from the 2nd century B,C., Buddhist ascetic disciples digged residential rock caves, called vihara, for protection from monsoon rain and hot weather, A typical arrangement was settled -a courtyard type, with 3 side rows of tiny one-person bedroom and a front veranda with columns. Also digged were Chaitya caves, in line with viharas, to worship, which is the tumulus of Buddha's relics. I suggest that the original type of chaitya a simple circle cave with a stupa, suitable for circumambulating ceremonies. I refute the existing theory presenting Barabar caves of Ajivika as a chaitya origin, featuring empty circular room without a stupa. I also interpret a typical apsidal plan as being a simple result of adding a place of worshipping rites in front of the stupa. Enclosing columns around a cylindrical stupa is a result of reinforcing both the divine space and circumambulating ceremonies, with elongation toward hall. Finally the chaitya came to have a grandeur apsidal plan with high vault ceiling nave and a side aisle as in Western cathedrals with large frontal horseshoe arch windows. The Buddha image, which had become a new worshipping object, was integrated into the stupa and interior surface. First the stupa and then the statue was introduced to residential Viharas. Therefore, I suggest that the vihara should be renamed as 'chaitya' as a worshipping place, by establishing statue rooms without bedrooms at all. The functionally changed vihara is similar in form to a 'rectangular type of chaitya', little known and developed in different routes. A columned inner courtyard gradually becama an offering place, like Hindu mandapa, Buddhist caves ware changed to a kind of Tantric and Hindu temple by means of statue worshipping offering rituals.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.5 no.2
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• pp.101-126
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• 2013

The place where models of Indonesian templed and sculpture remain in best condition is in central Java. Central Java was a center of culture from the 8th century to the 9th century. After the mid-10th century, a dynasty moved from central Java to eastern Java, because of frequent volcanic explosions and illness. Eastern Java became the center of politics and culture until the 16th century, when Islamic culture gained superiority. The classical temples of Indonesia before the rise of Islam are called 'Candi', which we can divide into the western Java period (?~8th century), the central Java period (8th~10th century), the eastern Java period (10th~16th century).

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.107-137
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• 2015

This article utilizes interdisciplinary methods in order to critically review the existing research on the Mother Goddess of Champa: Po Inâ Nâgar. In the past, Po Inâ Nâgar has too often been portrayed as simply a "local adaptation of Uma, the wife of Śiva, who was abandoned by the Cham adapted by the Vietnamese in conjunction with their conquest of Champa." This reading of the Po Ina Nagar narrative can be derived from even the best scholarly works on the subject of the goddess, as well as a grand majority of the works produced during the period of French colonial scholarship. In this article, I argue that the adaption of the literary studies strategies of "close reading", "surface reading as materiality", and the "hermeneutics of suspicion", applied to Cham manuscripts and epigraphic evidence-in addition to mixed anthropological and historical methods-demonstrates that Po Inâ Nâgar is, rather, a Champa (or 'Cham') mother goddess, who has become known by many names, even as the Cham continue to re-assert that she is an indigenous Cham goddess in the context of a majority culture of Thành Mẫu worship.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.27-50
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• 2009

Although Malaysia chooses Islam as national religion, the nation has really shown a variety of belief systems among which we would find Hinduism, Buddhism, and Animism. Most scholars having studied them regarded the aspect of Malay traditional belief systems as syncretism. This trait of the belief systems in Malaysia is revealed well in the sphere specifically as the rite of passage, to which I do rather prefer the rite of "life" from the sense of emphasizing the rituals varied by the cycle of life time. Under the perspective this paper examines the real phases of the rite of passage, or life of Malays. I will argue here the fact that in performing the rite of passage, Malays mobilize various arts on the basis of the syncretic faith accepting the supernatural, or keramat, with almighty power. Therefore, from the study of the rite of passage we can exactly scrutinize how Malays have altered and adjusted their belief systems in real world.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.7-52
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• 2017

This paper analyzes the scholarly approaches to the problem of "local" vs. "cosmopolitan" in the context of the cultural transfers between South and Southeast Asia. Taking the "localization" paradigm advanced by Oliver Wolters as its pivot, it reviews the "externalist" and "autonomous" positions, and questions the hermeneutical validity of the fuzzy and self-explanatory category of "local." Having discussed the geo-environmental metaphors of "Monsoon Asia" and "Maritime Asia" as alternative paradigms to make justice to the complex dynamics of transregional interaction that shaped South and Southeast Asian societies, it briefly presents two case studies highlighting the tensions between the "local" and "cosmopolitan" approaches to the study of Old Javanese literature and Balinese Hinduism.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.18
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• pp.53-79
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• 2004

This paper explores the relationship between Korean immigrants to the United States and their religious identity from the cultural point of view. Most scholarly studies on Korean immigrants in the United States have been dominated by sociological approach and ethnic studies in examining the social dimension of the Korean immigrant communities while neglecting issues concerning their religious identity and cultural heritage. Most Korean immigrants to America attend Korean churches regardless their religious affiliation before they came to America. One of the reasons for this phenomenon is the fact that Korean church has provided a necessary social service for the newly arrived immigrants. Korean churches have been able to play a key role in the life of Korean immigrants. Korean immigrants, however, have shown a unique aspect regarding their religious identity compared to other immigrants communities in the United States. America is a nation of immigrants, coming from different parts of the world. Each immigrant community has brought their unique cultural heritage and religious persuasion. Asian immigrants, for example, brought their own traditional religions such as Hinduism, Buddhism. People from the Middle Eastern countries brought Islamic faith while European Jews brought the Jewish tradition. In these immigrant communities, religious identity and cultural heritage were homo genously harmonized. Jewish people built synagogue and taught Hebrew, Jewish history, culture, and faith. In this case, synagogue was not only the house of worship for Jews but also the center for learning Jewish history, culture, faith, and language. In short, Jewish cultural history was intimately related to Jewish religious history; for Jewish immigrants, learning their social and political history was indeed identical with leaning of their religious history. The same can be said about the relationship between Indian community and Hinduism. Hindu temples serve as the center of Indian immigrantsin providing the social, cultural, and spiritual functions. Buddhist temples, for that matter, serve the same function to the people from the Asian countries. Chinese, Japanese, Vietnamese, Tibetans, and Thais have brought their respective Buddhist traditions to America and practice and maintain both their religious faith and cultural heritage. Middle Eastern people, for example, have brought Islamic faith to the United States, and Mosques have become the center for learning their language, practicing their faith, and maintaining their cultural heritage. Korean immigrants, unlike any other immigrant group, have brought Christianity, which is not a Korean traditional religion but a Western religion they received in 18th and 19th centuries from the West and America, back to the United States, and church has become the center of their lives in America. In this context, Koreans and Korean-Americans have a unique situation in which they practice Christianity as their religion but try to maintain their non-Christian cultural heritage. For the Korean immigrants, their religious identity and cultural identity are not the same. Although Korean church so far has provides the social and religious functions to fill the need of Korean immigrants, but it may not be able to become the most effective institution to provide and maintain Korean cultural heritage. In this respect, Korean churches must be able to open to traditional Korean religions or the religions of Korean origin to cultivate and nurture Korean cultural heritage.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.21 no.4
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• pp.677-688
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• 1997

The purpose of this study was to find out the symbolism of religious costume which has showed the religious belief system through costume practice and culture. Indian Religious costume each has its own mark was investigated in this study. In India, religion is a way of life. It is an integral part of the entire Indian tradition. The results were as follows; India's several main religions are Hinduism(About 80% of population) , Islam (About 11% of population) , Sikhism(less than 2% of population) , Jainism(less than 1% of population) , Buddhism(less than 1% of population) and Christianity(About 3% of population but excluding here) Religious faith system which symbolized Godhood, spiritualty, ascetics, restraint, chastity, sacred and dignity gave a certain shape to each color, ornaments, dressing and marking of religion costume. In connection with religion costumes, there were Hindu's Tika, sacred ash, long hair, knot and holy band (Yajnopavita) , Buddhist's kayysa and tonsures, Jams' no covering, Muslim's chador and skullcap, Sikh's turban (with no cutting hair) , comb, steel bracelet, drawers, sword or dagger. The characteristics, head especially of thebody and white in the colors were made much account for India religion costume. Traditional costume seems to be worn at the present times in India. But apparently these costume associated with religion costume because of Hindu more than 80% of population.