The purposes of study was: 1. To identify the direction and scope of research activities in Korean Nursing. 2. To discuss the unique problems present in Korea that warrant nursing research. 3. To delineate the factors that facilitate and/or hinder nursing research in Korea. This study was conducted at six colleges of nursing in Korea. The schools which were selected had doctoral programs at the time, the data were collected in 1990. Four of the schools were located in the metropolitan area of the capital city, Seoul, and two were in two other cities similar in size. The total population of the study was 283 nurses. The instrument for the research was the English version of Research Profile Questionnaire which was translated into Korean by the researchers and was validated in its translation by two professors. A pretest procedure was done before the data collection process. Of the population of 283, 210 subjects received the questionnaire and 150 subjects responded(71.4%). Excluding incomplete questionnaires, 141 questionnaires were utilized for data analysis. Data were analyzed using descriptive statistics. Responses to open-ended questions were content analyzed for themes and categories. Results of the study were as follows : Respondents currently , involved in nursing research numbered 108(76.6%), but 33(23.4%) did not have any research experience. The inexperienced respondenLs tended to be younger than the experienced subjects and most( 60.6%) were employed in hospitals, while 82.4 percent of the experienced nurses were employed in nursing schools. Among the respondents with research experience, 68.5 percent were involved in one to three projects and 31.5 percent were engaged in four or more projects. The experienced nurses indicated that nursing research in Korea is active. On the other hand, the responses of the inexperienced were that nursing research is not active. The most frequently selected research subjects were patients(76.9%, 83 respondents) followed by nurses, healthy persons and nursing students. The relatively high percentage of healthy persons as study subjects, could be explained as a concern of nurses for healthy persons as well as for ill patients. The aforememioned literature review showed a dramatic change in the kinds of study subjects; approximately 33 percent were patients but 25 percent were healthy subjects of various ages. The hospital was the prevailing research setting(67.6%) but at the same time various community settings were used. This is a changing phenomena in nursing research of Korea. Current research designed to build on previous studies amounted to 75 percent; about 39.8 percem were theory and hypothesis generated. Over 65 recommended additional research focusing on hypothesis-testing 0:' theory building. The previously quoted literature review found that only 4.0 percent of the study quescions were developed from a theoretical framework. The most frequently listed current major focus of nursmg research was stress and adaptation. Patients with cancer, pain, social support and care of the elderly were the next most frequently reported. These concerns may reflect problems associated with a technological and industrializing societyl. The most frequently identified problem was lack of clinical research. The need for replication research and research that contributes to the accumulation of nursing knowledge were found to be rare in Korean research. A need for theory testing and theory construction research was also identified. Although advanced statistical methods were often utilized in nursing research, the results were frequently considered by the interviewers not to be applicable in practice, and readers had difficulty in comprehending the findings. Even though the number of clinical nurses involved in research is increasing, it is still considered inadequate. Among 108 respondents, 83(76.9%) gave lack of time as a barrier to conducting nursing research. Over fifty percent of the respondents reported lack of funding or, personally, low confidence in research skills as barriers. The respondents offered 183 suggestions for future emphasis in nursing research. Among the 51 areas of emphasis, clinical research received the highest number and nursing intervention was next. The findings suggested that nursing research should be based on theory, be related to practice and relevant to the situation of a unique Korean culture.
A well-known historian, Ahn Jeong-Bok(Sun-Am, 1712~1791) was an expert on the country village community. He was a scholar of the "Nam-In" group, who was excluded from the corridors of power in those days. He kept on the move in various parts of country villages from his childhood. After settling down in Deok-Gok, Kwang-Ju, he stayed in the place devoting himself to the self-culture and the literary works. By his surrounding of environment, he had an academic interest in a concrete science rather than metaphysics and country villages rather than the central city. He considered the country villages as the link holding between a family and a country and had the conception of a confucianist community based on country villages, emphasizing the practice of confucianist virtues in everyday life. First of all, his confucianist community was the community based on country villages. He thought that the enlightenment was a matter of great importance for solving problems in country villages. As a solution to those problems, he suggested Hyang-Yak, the self-governed regulations of country villages. In his own village he made the self-governed rules Dong-Yak. When he was a provincial governer of Mok-Cheon, he put Hyang-Yak, the self-governed regulations of country villages in operation. It aimed for a kind of gentry-centric country village community. But Hyang-Yak was the regulations based on the agreement with each other, stressed the regard on the popular mind and the setting the pace of the gentry, and aimed for the harmony and order in a community through the practice of moral virtues in daily life. On the other hand, he had a conception of a country village's academic community. He thought of the development of educational intuitions as a pressing need of the enlightenment of country village. With young people he read confucianist books with comments in a village school, Seo-Jae. In his seventies, he made and put the self-regulations for academic community, Hak-Yak, in operations. It is considered that Hak-Yak was an example of his idea of academic community and his point of view on learning, which emphasized on the coincidence with reading and practice.
his study classified the development process of artificial intelligence (AI) speakers through analysis of the news text of artificial intelligence (AI) speakers shown in traditional news reports, and identified the characteristics of each product by period. The theoretical background used in the analysis are news frames and topic frames. As analysis methods, topic modeling and semantic network analysis using the LDA method were used. The research method was a content analysis method. From 2014 to 2019, 2710 news related to AI speakers were first collected, and secondly, topic frames were analyzed using Nodexl algorithm. The result of this study is that, first, the trend of topic frames by AI speaker provider type was different according to the characteristics of the four operators (communication service provider, online platform, OS provider, and IT device manufacturer). Specifically, online platform operators (Google, Naver, Amazon, Kakao) appeared as a frame that uses AI speakers as'search or input devices'. On the other hand, telecommunications operators (SKT, KT) showed prominent frames for IPTV, which is the parent company's flagship business, and 'auxiliary device' of the telecommunication business. Furthermore, the frame of "personalization of products and voice service" was remarkable for OS operators (MS, Apple), and the frame for IT device manufacturers (Samsung) was "Internet of Things (IoT) Integrated Intelligence System". The econd, result id that the trend of the topic frame by AI speaker development period (by year) showed a tendency to develop around AI technology in the first phase (2014-2016), and in the second phase (2017-2018), the social relationship between AI technology and users It was related to interaction, and in the third phase (2019), there was a trend of shifting from AI technology-centered to user-centered. As a result of QAP analysis, it was found that news frames by business operator and development period in AI speaker development are socially constituted by determinants of media discourse. The implication of this study was that the evolution of AI speakers was found by the characteristics of the parent company and the process of co-evolution due to interactions between users by business operator and development period. The implications of this study are that the results of this study are important indicators for predicting the future prospects of AI speakers and presenting directions accordingly.
The subjects of analysis in this paper, the clan name roots "Baj," "Kim," and "Shama/Sama," while distributed commonly among the Altai, Ye i, and isolated language groups, are most widely distributed among the Evenki. The clan name root "Baj-" is widely distributed among indigenous Siberian nations, but is most frequently found among the Manchu-Tungus, especially the Evenki. Therefore, it appears that clans with this root originated from Pribajkal'e, known to be the origin of the Evenki, and spread widely among the nearby Buryats, Mongols, and Yakuts, later spread east to the Nivhi of the Amur River, to the Enisej Protoasiatic language nations such as the Yukaghir or Ket to the north, and the Samoyed language group nations such as the Ne and Selkup. According to the analysis results in this paper, the Evenki clan name "Kim" has the meaning of "person," but also is somewhat associated with gold, metal, or stone. On one hand, while the origin of the clan name "Kim" cannot be clearly established, the clan was assimilated into the Evenki near in ancient times, after which the clan name became widely known among the Manchu-Tungus nations, and furthermore in the Turk nations. The clan name Shama/sama is widely spread across Siberia, including the Manchu-Tungus language group nations of the Altai language family, the Turk language family, and the Samoyed language groups of the Ural language family. Moreover, this clan name is not associated with famous mythic ancestors or heroes of historically famous Asian nations, and it cannot be translated into contemporary language; thus the identification of the meaning and origins of this word is by no means an easy task.
One of central issues in the Literature and Science discourses during the Victorian era is the relation of physiology to psychology. Many thinkers tackle the question of whether or not psychic phenomena can be reducible to their physiological bases. For instance, Victorian physiologist William Benjamin Carpenter claims that there should be a boundary between physiological and psychological qualities. Yet, his contemporary writer Grant Allen contends for the reduction of psychology into physiology. In the essay, I discuss Grant Allen's work Physiological Aesthetics (1877) so as to eventually problematize his physiological reductionism. I especially highlight the paradox of his physiological aesthetics. In order to clarify my argument, I introduce two concepts: evolutionary aesthetics and physiological reductionism. On the one hand, Allen argues for the development of aesthetic appreciation. The gradual evolution from gaudy to serene colors, for instance, reflects the fine differentiation of sensory organs. He believes that the existence of varied aesthetic pleasures corresponds to the evolution of sensory nerve structures. Nonetheless, Allen ironically gives more weight to the commonality of aesthetic experiences than to this teleological ordering of aesthetic experiences. He argues that there is no fundamental difference among humans in terms of their aesthetic assessments. Furthermore, there is even no essential distinction among plants, animals, and humans in light of their aesthetic appraisals, he states firmly. Although he asserts the gradual advance of aesthetic feelings caused by the intricacy of nervous systems, he simultaneously trivializes the evolution of aesthetic appraisal. In the essay, I highlight this paradox in Allen's physiological aesthetics. It should be underscored, lamentably enough, that Allen seeks biological purity by erasing fine lines among physiology, psychology, and sociality. He estranges aesthetic experiences from subjective variations and their socio-cultural contexts. He makes great efforts to eliminate individual differences and socio-cultural specificities in order to extremely biologize aesthetic experiences. Hence, Allen's physiological aesthetics is marked as the politics of physiological purification.
Korean ginseng (Panax ginseng) has been known as one of the representative special and healthful products originating from Korea for 4500 to 5000 years. The word of ginseng was first mentioned in JiJuZhang(急就章), written by ShiYou during the reign of King Yuah Di of the Chien Han Dynasty, China (33-48 BC). It has been known that wild Korean ginseng grows in Korean peninsula including Manchuria and the ginseng is found only between the $33^{rd}$ and $48^{th}$ parellels of north latitude. Since the times of three kingdom in Korea at 4-7 century, which is Kokuryo, Baekje and Shila, Korea has been the chief ginseng producing country. A large quantity of ginseng was exported from Korea to China for medicinal use at that times. That was written in SamGukSaGi(三國史記) by BuSik Kim of Koryeo Dynasty in Korea in 1145. The cultivation of Korean ginseng was also recorded in Bencaogangmu(本草綱目) written by LiShi Zen during the regin of the Ming Dynasty in 1596, China. The ginseng seedling, which was known as an original method invented by imitating the method of rice transplantation, appeared in the SeungJeongWon Ilgi(the diaries of the royal secretariat, 承政院日記), 1687 in the regin of King SukJong in Korea. It was suggesting that ginseng cultivation was firstly established in the early 1600s in Korea. On the other hand, red ginseng(written as 熟參) was reported firstly in GoRyeoDoGyeong(高麗圖經)(a record of personal experience in Korea, written in 1123) by SeoGung in Song Dynasty, China. The names of Pansam(written as 板蔘) and Pasam(written as 把蔘), which were the another types of red ginseng products, were came on in the JoSeon Dynasty Annals in 1552 and 1602, respectively. Although the term of red ginseng(Hongsam in Korean) was firstly appeared in the JoSeon Dynasty Annals in 1797, it is believed to have been developed a little earlier periods from the King Jungjong(1506~1545) to the King SeonJo(1567~1608) in Korea. Then, the Korean red ginseng has begun production on a large scale in SamJeong Department of NaeJangWon(內藏院 蔘政課) in the Korean Empire(大韓帝國) in 1899. More detailed records about red ginseng production method were written in the SohoDanag Miscellany(韶濩堂集) by Taekyoung Kim at 1916 year in Korea. On the while, the efficacy of ginseng was first recorded in Shennongbencaojing(神農本草經) written in China(BC 83-96) and the efficacy has been continuously inherited.
This essay attempts a contrapuntal reading of Thomas More's Utopia. Contrapunctual reading, proposed by Edward Said. attempts to make a text speak across temporal, cultural, and ideological boundaries to a topic of present. I examine two opposite readings of Utopia around 2011 by both pro- and anti-Occupy Wall Street positions. On the one hand, the opponents of Occupy find its limits as a utopian social movement echoing in the fictional character of Hythrodaeus and the alternative society verbally sketched by him in Book Two of Utopia. On the other, Occupy's advocates read More's text as embodying its radial possibility. However, each shares the tendency to denounce Book Two, praising Book One in which Hythrodaeus vehemently criticizes England; they read Hythrodaeus not as an utopian idealist but as a social critic. The Occupy, as a result, is seen here as having an ambivalent relationship to utopianism. I reinterpret the radical possibilities of Book Two criticized by both pro- and anti-Occupy invocations of Utopia. Book Two provides a utopian space in which the existing social contradictions are cancelled, revealing the limits of the three partial utopias proposed at the end of Book One. Following Louis Marin's argument, I argue, the "utopic" space does not lie in the so-called ideal society described in the text but in the inconsistencies between the text's description(discourse) and topography(map). In Book Two the existence of a king is described, yet his space is not found in the topography of utopia; likewise market is described as existing at the center of a city, yet its space is not found either. These inconsistencies create a neutral space in which the ideological contradictions of the text are cancelled, and the space opens up the possibility of communal society beyond modern sovereign power and capitalism I argue this utopian dream needs to be summoned once again in our time as a compelling alternative to the corporate, capitalist order.
The Ise Grand Shrine(伊勢神宮) dedicated to the sun goddess Amaterasu (天照大神), located in the city of Ise(伊勢市), Mie Prefecture of Japan, is a center of Japanese Shinto Shrines and composed of a large number of Shinto shrines centered on two main shrines, Naiku(內宮=皇大神宮) and Geku(外宮= 豊受大神宮). Historically it has kept very close relationship with Emperor, because its enshrined deity Amaterasu is generally said to be the ancestor of Imperial Family. The food and alcohol offering to the gods in Japanese Shinto rites are called Shinsen(神饌, ambrosia). Main subjects of this essay dealing with Shinsen are the various matsuri (rites) of Ise Grand Shrine and Emperor, such as Higoto-asayu-omike-sai(日別朝夕大御饌祭, offering repasts to the gods in the moring and evening everyday), Kan-name-sai(神嘗祭, offering of the year's new rice harvest), Shikinen-sengu-sai(式年遷宮祭, year of the ceremony), Nii-name-sai(新嘗祭, Ceremonial offering by the Emperor of newly-harvested rice to the gods), and Daijo-sai(大嘗祭, first ceremonial offering of rice by newly-enthroned Emperor). Then, the purpose of this essay is to examine not only the social, religious, and political but also cultural meaning of Shinsen especially in relation to Korea, basically introducing some types and characteristics of Shinsen with its mythological background and historical development. In so doing, I will show the concrete list of items and processes of Shinsen in those rites. For example, the social meaning of Shinsen might be examined in association with agricultural features, ancient dietary life, Japanese food, and its contemporary context etc. Besides, its religious meaning can be mentioned especially from the perspective of divine nature, life and rebirth etc. On the other hand, the politics was in ancient Japan originally called Matsurigoto which means the ancestral rites for gods. This suggests the political meaning of Shinsen that the politics in Japan has originated from Shinsen.
The palaces in South Korea are largely divided into primary palaces (法宮) and secondary palaces (離宮). In the early Joseon period, the primary palace was Gyeongbokgung Palace, and the secondary palace was Changdeokgung Palace. Additionally, there is the concept of imperial palaces (正宮). Gyeongbokgung Palace was the primary palace and the imperial palace. The topography of Gyeongbokgung is based on Mt. Baegak, which is the symbol of royal authority. The location of the palaces was chosen to highlight the king's dignity and authority. The three gates and three courts (三門三朝) were positioned on a straight line based on one axis along the ridge of Mt. Baegak to establish the legitimacy, hierarchy, and unity of the kingship. The secondary palace was built according to the demands of the king and the royal family or the political situation. It was created as a royal living space; thus, creating independent and diverse spaces along multiple axes. The primary palace was chosen to be built on the terrain of Yang, and the secondary palace was chosen to be built on the terrain of Yin; the criteria for laying buildings in the palace areas had to be different. The most important point in the formation of Joseon palaces was that the secret vital energy for the king (王氣) originated from the sacred mountain. Important elements of the palace were the secret vital energy chain of feng shui (風水氣脈) and the forbidden stream (禁川). The secret vital energy chain of feng shui was the gateway to the secret vital energy for the king, and the forbidden stream was a method of preventing the king from leaving the palace grounds. Gyeongbokgung Palace, which is on typical feng shui terrain, faithfully reflects the principles of feng shui. On the other hand, the secondary palace was built on incomplete and irregular feng shui terrain. Feng shui was part of the nature and the geography of the ruling classes in the Joseon Dynasty. By examining their geography, I believe that the perfection of traditional culture inheritance and restoration can be improved.
The compositions and iconographies of the three Illustrations of the Sixteen Contemplations produced in the early Joseon Dynasty effectively manifest the transitional period of Joseon society as well as the Joseon people's perception of the Pure Land. In particular, the painting at titled Chionji (知恩寺) dated 1435 and another painting at titled Chion' in (知恩院) from 1465, which were commissioned by the Joseon royal family and high-ranking monk, embody the Pure Land faith of the Tiantai School of Buddhism (天台宗) which thrived during the late Goryeo period. This indicates that the Joseon royal court continued to favor the Pure Land faith that emphasized salvation through "self-power" (自力), which was popular among both the royal family and the nobility of Goryeo. On the other hand, in the painting at titled $H{\bar{o}}rinji$ (法輪寺), which is presumed to have been made in the sixteenth century, the compositions and iconographies shown in late Goryeo examples of the Illustrations of the Sixteen Contemplations are disassembled. Moreover, a new iconographical motif, i.e. "welcoming the dragon boat" (龍船接引), emerged with this painting. This motif symbolizes the idea that the souls of the deceased are guided by Amitabha Buddha to rebirth in the Pure Land of Extreme Bliss, which is based on the "other-power" of the Pure Land faith that emphasizes the power of Amitabha Buddha in attaining salvation rather than the educational "self-power" of the Pure Land faith. The emergence of this motif demonstrates the transformation of the Pure Land belief into a faith that relied on the "other-power" of Amitabha in Joseon's Confucian society.
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