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Receipt of Official Documents after the Status Change of the Office of Crown Properties in The Great Han Empire (대한제국기 내장원의 위상 변화와 공문서 접수)

  • Park, Sung-Joon
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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    • no.36
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    • pp.35-67
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    • 2013
  • As the office of crown properties expanded to financial structure having jurisdiction over various nation's purse in the Great Han Empire, its official document form has been changed. Unlike the early days, they had used official paper stamped with the words 'the Office of Crown Properties' eliminating 'Department of the Royal Household'. Also, the title on stamp of government position changed to 'Recipient of the Official of Crown Properties'. As the office of crown properties expanded as a great financial structure, it has grown in stature as an independent structure, and it was reflected in official document form. Such change was shown in document distribution system. The recipient of report from each district was the First Lord of Department of the Royal Household until 1897; however, the recipients of reports were mostly the office of Crown Properties from 1899. The Office of Crown Properties could not issue an official order before Aug 1899, since then the Office of Crown Properties had issued official orders to each district. However, the Office of Crown Properties could not handle the document in an equal position to the central organization yet. However, from Sep. 1900, the Office of Crown Properties handle the document with district organizations in equal position to the central organization, and a records office had been established in the Office of Crown Properties. Also, the Office of Crown Properties had handled official documents as an independent organization getting out of belonging organization to the department of Royal Household. Since the records office was established in Sep. 1900, the Office of Crown Properties had written receipt book autonomously. Comparing the receipt books in 1901 to the receipt books in 1905 and 1906, receipt numbers had been appeared from the book in 1905 and the organization in charge of the documents was recorded on some documents. Since no receipt book was found in 1902~1904, it is unknown when receipt number had been started indicating on the book. Seeing that the receipt number on the book of 1905 matched with contents on the receipt stamp, the receipt number has started indicating from around July, 1902; the period the receipt stamp has been started to use. Unlike the receipt stamp, the department in charge was indicated on the receipt book. It is because that the Office of Crown Properties changed writing system. Instead of classifying divisions, the Office of Crown Properties recorded in a book by order to receive, provided serial number, and wrote the department on the bottom of receipt book to classify by department in charge. Since establishment of the records office in Sep. 1900, the Office of Crown Properties had confirmed the receipt of document by stamping 'receipt of the Office of Crown Properties' and made receipt books as the office had started handled documents independently. Also, the Office of Crown Properties changed its system integrating division and recording in one book from the intial system classifying the book by division then receipt number and department in charge were indicated on the book. Also, receipt system has stabilized by stamping the receipt date and number on the received document.

A Study of Improvement of School Health in Korea (학교보건(學校保健)의 개선방안(改善方案) 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Soo Hee
    • Journal of the Korean Society of School Health
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    • v.1 no.2
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    • pp.118-135
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    • 1988
  • This study is designed to analyze the problems of health education in schools and explore the ways of enhancing health education from a historical perspective. It also shed light on the managerial aspect of health education (including medical-check-up for students disease management. school feeding and the health education law and its organization) as well as its educational aspect (including curriculum, teaching & learning, and wishes of teachers). At the same time it attempted to present the ways of resolving the problems in health education as identified her. Its major findings are as follows; I. Colculsion and Summary 1. Despite the importance of health education, the area remains relatively undeveloped. Students spend a greater part of their time in schools. Hence the government should develop a keener awareness of the importance of health education and invest more in it to ensure a healthy, comfortable life for students. 2. At the moment the outcomes of medical-check-up for students, which constitutes the mainstay of health education, are used only as statistical data to report to the relevant authorities. Needless to say they should be used to help improve the wellbeing of students. Specifically, nurse-teachers and home-room teachers should share the outcomes of medical-check-up to help the students wit shortcomings in growth or development or other physical handicaps more clearly recognize their problems and correct them if possible. 3. In the area of disease management, 62.6, 30.3 and 23.0 percent of primary, middle, and highschool students, respectively, were found to suffer from dental ailments. By contrast 2.2, 7.8, and 11.5 percent of primary, middle and highschool students suffered from visual disorders. The incidence of dental ailments decreases while that of visual impairments increases as students grow up. This signifies that students are under tremendous physical strain in their efforts to be admitted by schools of higher grade. Accordingly the relevant authorities should revise the current admission system as well as improve lighting system in classrooms. 4. Budget restraints have often been cited as a major bottleneck to the expansion of school feeding. Nevertheless it should be extended at least, to all primary schools even at the expense of parents to ensure the sound growth of children by improving their diet. 5. The existing health education law should be revised in such a way as to better meet the needs of schools. Also the manpower for health education should be strengthened. 6. Proper curriculum is essential to the effective implementation of health education. Hence it is necessary to remove those parts in the current health education curriculum that overlaps with other subjects. It is also necessary to make health education a compulsory course in teachers' college at the same time the teachers in charge of health education should be given an in-service training. 7. Currently health education is being taught as part of physical education, science, home economics or other courses. However these subjects tend to be overshadowed by English, mathematics, and other subjects which carry heavier weight in admission test. It is necessary among other things, to develop an educational plan specifying the course hours and teaching materials. 8. Health education is carried out by nurse-teachers or home-room teachers. In connection with health education, they expressed the hope that health education will be normalized with newly-developed teaching material, expanded opportunity for in-service training and increased budget, facilities and supply of manpower. These are the mainpoints that the decision-makers should take into account in the formation of future policy for health education. II. Recommendations for the Improvement of Health Education 1. Regular medical check-up for students, which now is the mainstay of health education, should be used as educational data in an appropriate manner. For instance the records of medical check-up could be transferred between schools. 2. School feeding should be expanded at least in primary schools at the expense of the government or even parents. It will help improve the physical wellbeing of youths and the diet for the people. 3. At the moment the health education law is only nominal. Hence the law should be revised in such a way as to ensure the physical wellbeing of students and faculty. 4. Health education should be made a compulsory course in teachers' college. Also the teachers in service should be offered training in health education. 5. The curriculum of health education should be revised. Also the course hours should be extended or readjusted to better meet the needs of students. 6. In the meantime the course hours should be strictly observed, while educational materials should be revised in no time. 7. The government should expand its investment in facilities, budget and personnel for health education in schools at all levels.

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An Inquiry into the Iron Seated Buddha Excavated from Pocheon in the National Museum of Korea (국립중앙박물관 소장 포천 출토 철조여래좌상에 대한 소고)

  • Kang, Kunwoo
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.96
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    • pp.209-223
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    • 2019
  • The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture in the National Museum of Korea had long sat unregistered in storage at the museum. However, a new accession number "bon9976" has recently been assigned to it. This sculpture was excavated from the neighborhood of Heungnyongsa Temple in Baekun-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-gun, Gyeonggi-do Province together with another Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9975) called "Iron Buddha from Pocheon." A comparison and examination of Gelatin Dry Plate and official documents from the Joseon Government-General Museum during the Japanese occupation period have revealed that these two Iron Buddha sculptures were transferred to the Museum of the Government-General of Korea on December 17, 1925. The Iron Seated Buddha sculpture(bon9976) has a height of 105 centimeters, width at the shoulders of 57 centimeters, and width at the knee of 77 centimeters. The Buddha is wearing a robe with rippling drapery folds and the right shoulder exposed. He is seated in the position called gilsangjwa(the seat of good fortune) in which the left foot is placed over the right thigh. The features of the Buddha's oval face are prominently sculpted. The voluminous cheeks, eye sockets in a large oval shape, slanted eyes, short nose, and plump lips can also be found in other ninth-century Iron Seated Buddha sculptures at Silsangsa Temple in Namwon, Jeollanam-do Province, Hancheonsa Temple in Yecheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do Province, and Samhwasa Temple in Donghae-si, Gangwon-do Province. Moreover, its crossed legs, robe exposing the right shoulder, and rippling drapery folds suggest that this sculpture might have been modeled after the main Buddha sculpture of the Seokguram Grotto from the eighth century. The identity of this Iron Seated Buddha can be determined using the Gelatin Dry Plate(M442-2, M442-7). In them, the Buddha has its right palm facing upwards and holds a medicine jar on its left palm. Until now, the Iron Seated Bhaiṣajyagura(Medicine) Buddha(bon1970) excavated from Wonju has been considered the sole example of an iron Medicine Buddha sculpture. However, this newly registered Iron Seated Buddha turns out to be a Medicine Buddha holding a medicine jar. Furthermore, it serves as valuable material since traces of gilding and lacquering clearly remain on its surface. This Iron Seated Buddha sculpture (bon9976) is presumed to have been produced around the ninth century under the influence of Esoteric Buddhism by the Monk Doseon(827~898), a disciple of the Monk Hyecheol, to protect the temple and help the country overcome geographical shortcomings. According to the records stored at Naewonsa Temple(later Heungnyongsa Temple), Doseon selected three significant sites, including Baegunsan Mountain, built "protector" temples, created the Bhaisajyagura Buddha triad, and enshrined them at the temples. Moreover, the inscription on the stele on the restoration of Seonamsa Temple states that Doseon constructed temples and produced iron Buddha sculptures to help the country surmount certain geographical shortcomings. Heungnyongsa Temple is located in Dopyeong-ri, Yidong-myeon, Pocheon-si, Gyeonggi-do Province. This region appears to have been related to rituals directed to the Medicine Buddha since Yaksa Temple(literally, "the temple of medicine") was built here during the Goryeo Dynasty, and the Yaksa Temple site with its three-story stone pagoda and Yaksadong Valley still exist in Dopyeong-ri.

Characteristic of Personnel Organization and Facility of Gyeonggi Kamyoung during Late Joseon (조선후기 경기감영의 인원 구성과 시설 특징)

  • YI, SUN HUI
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.73
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    • pp.185-217
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    • 2018
  • This research is a part of basic research on Gyeonggi Kamyoung focused on reconstruct personnel organization and facility of Gyeonggi Kamyoung, the only Kamyoung without a Kamyoung Record, which should have been recorded on it. Excluding Gyeonggi Kamyoung, other 7 Kamyoung each have its Kamyoung Record that shows their detailed history and set up. Due to lack of information about Gyeonggi Kamyoung, this research set objective on reconstructing Kamyoung Record of it with fragments of information on multiple historical records. By doing this, this research will also be a background for general research on distinguishing administrative unity from regional uniqueness of all 8 provinces Kamyoung. Kamyoung's personnel organization is sorted into government official from central government and Yeongli and staff. The information about the government official on this research is based on "Ki-Yung-Jang-Gae- Deung-Rok"'s personal assessment. According to it, Dosa Junggun Geomlyul had the same task and position as others in different provinces did. The difference Gyeonggi Kamyoung had was an absence of Sim Yak since 1700 while others still had it. The information about Yeongli and staff's organization was based on "Ki-Yeong-Sin-Jeong-Sa-Le". In Gyeonggi Kamyoung, along 6-Bang, there were 208 Yeongli and staff categorized into 50 different official duties. Also, compared to other Kamyoungs, Youngli's scale was smaller. Kamyoung's facility inside Pojeongmun and wall is distinguished from other Kamyoung related facilities in this research. Organization of facilities inside Pojeongmun and wall is based on "Gyeonggi-Kamyoung-Do". Like other Kamyoungs in different provinces, Seonhwadang, which is the main building, is located in the center and had a similar organization. Significant point was that Gyeonggi Kamyoung had both Youngli-Cheong and Hyeongli-Cheong at the same time. In the dense and developed area outside of Seodaemun, Gyeonggi Kamyoung had its related facility around it in small scale.

A Comparative Study on Awareness of Middle School Students, School Parents, and Human Resources Directors in Industrial Institutions about Admission into Specialized High Schools and Career after Graduating from Specialized High Schools (특성화고 진학 및 졸업 후 진로에 대한 중학생, 학부모, 산업체 인사 담당자의 인식 비교 연구)

  • Lee, Byung-Wook;Ahn, Jae-Yeong;Lee, Chan-Joo;Lee, Sang-Hyun
    • 대한공업교육학회지
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    • v.38 no.2
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    • pp.48-67
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    • 2013
  • This study tried to suggest implications about operation direction of specialized high schools (SHS) by researching awareness of middle school students (MSS), school parents (SP), human resources directors in industrial institutions (HRDII) who will be the main users of SHS education, about entering SHS and career after graduating from SHS. Seniors of middle school, SP and HRDII in Asan, Chungnam were the subject of this survey research. The summary of the result of this study is as follow: First, MSS and SP usually hoped to enter general high schools rather than vocational education schools such as SHS, meister high schools, and MSS considered school records and SP considered aptitude and talent for the factors to choose high school. Second, MSS, SP, and HRDII recognized purposes of SHS as improvement of talent and aptitude, and getting a job. As for positive images of SHS, they recognized it as applying talent and aptitude to life early, getting good jobs easily, fast independence after graduation, and learning excellent technologies, and as for negative images of SHS, they recognized it as social prejudices and discrimination, students with bad school records enter them, disadvantages about promotion and wages, and being unfavorable for entering universities. They also recognized education of SHS as being effective for improvement of basic and executive ability and key competency, development of creative human resources, and improvement of right personality and courteous manners. Third, many MSS and SP showed intention to enter SHS if it is established in Asan. They wished to enter SHS because they would like to apply their aptitude and talent to life early, learn excellent skill, and hope for early employment, on the other hand, they did not wish to enter SHS because it was not suited for their aptitude and talent, awareness about SHS is low, it is unfavorable to enter universities, and there were social prejudices and discrimination. They also similarly hoped for getting jobs and entering universities after graduating from SHS. And the reason they wanted to get a job was usually because they want to be successful by advancing into society early, or because it is still hard to get a job even after graduate from the university, on the other hand, the reason they want to enter university is because is usually in-depth education about major and social discrimination about level of education. The ability to perform duties forms the greatest part of the employment standard that MSS, SP, and HRDII aware. MSS and SP usually hoped for industrial, home economics and housework and commercial majors in SHS, and considered aptitude and talent, the promising future, and being favorable for employment for choosing major. The reason HRDII hire SHS student was to develop student into talent of industrial institution, ability of student, and need for manpower with high school graduation level, and there were also partial answer that they can hire SHS student if they have ability to perform duties. The proposals about operation direction of SHS according to the results above are as follow: SHS should diversify major and curriculum to meet various requirements of student and parents, establish SHS admission system based on career guidance, and improve student's ability to perform duties by establishing work-based learning. The Government should organize work-to-school policy to enable practical career development of students from SHS, and promote relevant policy to reinforcing SHS education rather than quantitative evaluation such as employment rate, and cooperative support from each government departments is required to make manpower with skill related to SHS to get proper evaluation and treatment.

A bibliographic study on medical science ancient period (上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea (古朝鮮時代) (상고시대(上古時代)와 고조선시대(古朝鮮時代)의 의학(醫學)에 관(關)한 문헌적(文獻的) 고찰(考察))

  • Kwon, Hak Cheol;Park, Chan-Guk
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.3
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    • pp.218-247
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    • 1989
  • As mentioned above, I got the next conclusion since I had considered the medical contents of the ancient period(上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea(古朝鮮時代) through several bibliographic records. 1. There were Pung-baeg(風伯), Uh-sa(雨師), Un-sa(雲師) that were the names of the governmental officials during the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄). Among them, Uh-sa specially managed the treatment for diseases. When we think of the significance of Pung(風)-which means the winds, Uh(雨)-which means the rain, Un(雲)-which means of clouds, we will find out that the human life will be affected by all kinds of phenomena of the nature. So I can infer that ancestries could prevent and treat diseases with adjusting them tn the changes in the weather. 2. There were five government officials(五事) in the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄上古時代). They are Uh-ga(牛加), Ma-ga(馬加), Ku-ga(狗加), Cheo-ga(猪加) and Yang-ga(羊加), and had charges of five important duties. Among them, Cheo-ga was set to a charge of treatment for diseases. So we can notice that there existed people who treated for diseases professionally. When we think of the meanings of Uh(牛)-which intends cows or bulls. Ma(馬)-which intends horses, Ku(狗)-which intends dogs, Cheo(猪)-which intends wild boars and Yang(羊)-which intends sheep, we can see that livestocks would be raised at that time, and they came to have more chances to digest meat. Since the digestion of meat became to be a burden on the stomach and the intestines, it might cause a lot of indigestive troubles. 3. When I compared Tan-gun Pal-ga(檀君八加) with the Oh-ga(五加) in the ancient period of Whan-ung(桓雄上古時代), I could tell that the community of Tan-gun's period is more advanced and specialized than one of Whan-ung's. When I think of the next sentence ; "The Prince Imperial, Bu-u(夫虞) become to be a Ro-ga(鷺加), who treat for diseases professionally.", I am sure that the treatment for diseases was more importment than any other things, because he was the third son of Tan-gun(檀君). 4. According to Tan-gun(檀君) mythology, Whan-ung(桓雄) came down from the heaven of the pure Yang(純陽) to the earth and then changed into a man who had had more Yang(陽) than Yin(陰). And a bear came up from the underground(or the cave) to the ground and then changed into a women who had had more Yin(陰) than Yang(陽). So both of them became to hold together. This story implicated that ancestors had taken a serious view of each of them, namely the ancestors didn't give the ascendance to the one side of them, and made much account of the mutual harmony. So I am sure that this fact coincided with the basic theories of oriental medical science. To refer to two proverbs of Tan-gun mythology that are "Ki-Sam-Chil-Il(忌三七日)" which means caring for twenty one days, and "Pul-Gyon-Il-Gwang-Baeg-Il(不見日光百日)" which means keeping indoors for one hundred days, I can tell you that "twenty-one-day" involves the principle of the birth of life, and "one-hundred-day" contains a preparatory period or the period of death to bear another life. 5. From the medical stuff, such as wormwood(艾), garlic(蒜), or wonder-working herbage(靈草), that had been written at the bibliographic papers of the ancient period(上古時代) and the era of the old-Korea(古朝鮮時代), I consider that many people might get a lot of women's diseases, indigestive troubles, and other diseases that were caused by the weakness, but with using various spices, such as the leaves of water pepper(蔘), they could prevent the occurrance of all kinds of diseases previously. So I regard this treatment as the medicine from food. 6. One of the sayings at Nae-gyong(內經) is that "The stone accupuncture(砭石) came from the orient." We can see both "wonder-wor-king wormwood(靈草)" and "dried wormwood(乾艾)" in the several bibliographic papers of the ancient history of the old-Korea(朝鮮上古史). From these records, I can be convinced that ancestors would utilize the acupuncture(針) and the moxa cautery(灸) to cure a patient of a disease. 7. Even though someone claimed that the book, "medical science and chemistry(醫學化學)" and "medical treatment(醫學大方)" had had been written during the ancient period of the old-Korea(上古朝鮮時代), such a fact can't have been ascertained historical evidence. But it has been handed down that there existed the original phonetic alphabet, such as the "Ka-Im-To alphabet(加臨土文字)" at that time. The terms about the diseases, which had been occurred at the community of the old-Korea(古朝鮮地域), were recorded fragmentarily at other records after that time. The origin of confucianism came from the race of the eastern barbarians, and Tae-Ho-Pok-Hi(太嗅伏義) and the king. Sun(舜) came from the eastern barbarians, too. The divination of tortoise shells at the country of Un(殷) is another from which was developed at the eastern barbarians' fortune-telling of animal bones. From these facts, I can infer that, by all means, they might record the medical knowledge which had been stored for thousands of years while contacting with china directly.

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Analysis of Prehospital Care Report for Improving Emergency Service at Prehospital Phase (병원 전 단계 응급의료서비스 개선을 위한 구급활동일지)

  • Choi, Gil-Soon;Kim, Youn-Kyoung
    • The Korean Journal of Emergency Medical Services
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    • v.11 no.3
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    • pp.163-174
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    • 2007
  • Purpose : This study analyzes prehospital care report of emergency service at prehospital stage, examines characteristics of activities of 119 paramedics and its users and aims to provide help for improving emergency system in future. Methods : Data collected were 119 prehospital care report and hospital records with 7,160 patients to emergency room by 119 ambulance from Jan. 1 to Dec. 31, 2006 and percentage and frequency of the data were obtained. Results : 1) Use of emergency room by 119 ambulance was increased in summer and autumn such as August(9.1%), September(11.2%) and October(13.5%) and it was more frequently used on Monday(17.3%), Saturday(17.2%) and Friday(16.1%) by telephone(98.6%). 2) Using emergency room was most in over sixties(51.8%), men(64.2%), community residents (78.3%), by report of family(50.3%) and at '09:01~12:00'(16.5%). 3) Symptoms of emergency room users included headache, chest pain, stomachache, lumbago and others as 40.6% and places where patients were found were at home(60.1%) due to chronic internal diseases at 49.2%. 4) Most of non-emergency patients(80.2%) arriving at hospital had normal pupil condition (88.4%) and clear consciousness(71.2%) and most of them left hospital after having first-aid treatment. 5) Physiological symptom tests evaluated by paramedics at prehospital stage included blood pressure(56.6%), pulse(22.9%), breathing(13.0%) and temperature(9.2%), and there was no SPo2 case. 6) Classification of severity by paramedics showed difference as emergency patients(18.0%) by paramedics and those(24.9%) by hospital. 7) First-aid treatments by paramedics at prehospital stage were promoting comfort(28.9%), hemostasis(7.7%), fixing cervical vertebrae(4.0%) and ensuring vein route(3.1%). 8) Selectors of medical agency were patients or guardians(86.2%) and emergency medical technicians(73.6%). Conclusion : To sum up the above research, it was found that percentage of using 119 ambulance by non-emergency patients was higher and paramedics performed basic first-aid treatment rather than professional first-aid treatment due to several conditions such as legal problems, range of allowance, etc. Therefore, it is considered that method to reduce frequency of ambulance by non-emergency patients and approaches to alleviate limitations of allowance of paramdeics to make them perform effective first-aid treatment at prehospital stage should be sought in the dimension of individual, organization and government.

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Influencing Factors for Adoption of Smart Cards in Hospitals (종합병원 전자건강카드 도입에 영향을 미치는 요인)

  • Ahn, Lee-Su;Yoon, Seok-Jun;Ahn, Hyeong-Sik;Hong, Seok-Won
    • Quality Improvement in Health Care
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    • v.12 no.2
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    • pp.113-123
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    • 2006
  • Objective : This research is focused on understanding the current status of the Health Smart Card already in use in other advanced countries. This research will analyze the current status of the medical institutions Health Smart Card system adoption process and its effects, and provide a basis for future policy decisions for the effective adoption and diffusion of a Health Smart Card system, in the medical field, through the completed research and analysis. Method : This research surveys the domestic, and foreign, status of Health Smart Card usage. The research also presents up-to-date methodology for the evaluation of the effects of medical and health care technology. The research also conducts a survey of the domestic medical institutions that have implemented a Health Smart Card system, and then analyzes the results of the survey. Additionally, the research carried out a survey and analysis of medical institutions with no Health Smart Card system implemented, and considered the factors affecting the diffusion of Health Smart Card systems in considering an effective policy for the introduction and diffusion of such a system. Research Results : Through the study of the methodology of medical and health care information technology in advanced countries, the methodology for assessing Health Smart Card technology has been established, and focuses on 6 aspects. The study on the status of foreign implementation has shown a model for the Health Smart Card system. A survey was conducted on the current status of medical institutions with an implemented Health Smart Card system, and the survey results have been analyzed. Also, factors influencing the adoption of Health Smart Card systems have been analyzed through the survey on those medical institutions that have not implemented a Health Smart Card system. Conclusion : The government must provide institutional measures for sharing medical records by constructing an IT infrastructure at the national level to enable the adoption and diffusion of a Health Smart Card system. Such a network will make connections between medical institutions possible, thus making the diffusion of the Health Smart Card system nationwide. For the successful adoption and diffusion of a Health Smart Card system, a model system development, under a medical record sharing system, should be conducted. Additionally, a regional unit based model should be developed for the model project, as is done in advanced countries, along with the application of such results.

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A Consensus Plan for Action to Improve Access to Cancer Care in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Region

  • Woodward, Mark
    • Asian Pacific Journal of Cancer Prevention
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    • v.15 no.19
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    • pp.8521-8526
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    • 2014
  • In many countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), cancer is an increasing problem due to ageing and a transition to Western lifestyles. Governments have been slow to react to the health consequences of these socioeconomic changes, leading to the risk of a cancer epidemic overwhelming the region. A major limitation to motivating change is the paucity of high-quality data on cancer, and its socioeconomic repercussions, in ASEAN. Two initiatives have been launched to address these issues. First, a study of over 9000 new cancer patients in ASEAN - the ACTION study - which records information on financial difficulties, as well as clinical outcomes, subsequent to the diagnosis. Second, a series of roundtable meetings of key stakeholders and experts, with the broad aim of producing advice for governments in ASEAN to take appropriate account of issues relating to cancer, as well as to generate knowledge and interest through engagement with the media. An important product of these roundtables has been the Jakarta Call to Action on Cancer Control. The growth and ageing of populations is a global challenge for cancer services. In the less developed parts of Asia, and elsewhere, these problems are compounded by the epidemiological transition to Western lifestyles and lack of awareness of cancer at the government level. For many years, health services in less developed countries have concentrated on infectious diseases and mother-and-child health; despite a recent wake-up call (United Nations, 2010), these health services have so far failed to allow for the huge increase in cancer cases to come. It has been estimated that, in Asia, the number of new cancer cases per year will grow from 6.1 million in 2008 to 10.6 million in 2030 (Sankaranarayanan et al., 2014). In the countries of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), corresponding figures are 770 thousand in 2012 (Figure 1), rising to 1.3 million in 2030 (Ferlay et al., 2012). ASEAN consists of Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao, Malaysia, Myanmar, the Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Viet Nam. It, thus, includes low- and middle-income countries where the double whammy of infectious and chronic diseases will pose an enormous challenge in allocating limited resources to competing health issues. Cancer statistics, even at the sub-national level, only tell part of the story. Many individuals who contract cancer in poor countries have no medical insurance and no, or limited, expectation of public assistance. Whilst any person who has a family member with cancer can expect to bear some consequential burden of care or expense, in a poor family in a poor environment the burden will surely be greater. This additional burden from cancer is rarely considered, and even more rarely quantified, even in developed nations.

A Study on the Landscape Change in Nakdong River Delta The Case of Myeongjidong (낙동강 삼각주의 경관변화에 관한 연구 -명지동을 사례로-)

  • Heo, Minseok;SON, ILL;Tak, Hanmyeong
    • Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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    • v.51 no.4
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    • pp.491-508
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    • 2016
  • This study has taken the Myeongjidong island, which has experienced spatial change due to various reasons ranging from the Japanese colonial era until today, as an instance in order to comprehend macroscopic spatial change of the Nakdonggang Delta and the adaptation process of the locals in a microscopic point of view. Spatial change of the Myeongjidong has been confirmed by collecting maps such as the atlas of late period of Chosun published in 1910, topographic map, regional geography, city records, and by applying coordinates with geographic reference function of GIS program, then checking for time sequential space change of individual regions. Space change driven by the Japanese government-general of Korea, Gimhae Irrigation Association, and by national policy or planning brought about environmental and humanistic changes unlike ever before, and land usage, housing and industry of the region and the locals experienced various adaptation processes. Such processes were compiled through collection and comparison of literature, and supplementation from interview of the locals during field study. As for the research region, it ranged from the construction of Nakdonggang bank and Myeongji seawall of 1935, agricultural rural landscape formed after the area expansion project by Gimhae Irrigation Association in 1940, to landscape that are becoming mercantile and urban due to the developmental plans of national and local governments.

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