• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.22 no.9
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• pp.147-155
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• 2022

This article analyzed the new changes Hong Kong director Lin Chaoxian has brought to theme films of Mainland China and the factors affecting these changes. The objects of the analysis are Lin Chaoxian's films (2016), (2018), and (2020). Compared with Mainland China directors suffering from heavy political burden, Dante Lam directed theme films based on the model from commercial films and adopted lots of elements from Hong Kong films. There, the ideology expression in these theme films was no longer rigid, but a diversified value embodiment resonating with the audience. At the same time, these theme films achieved higher commercial value, in which the stereotyped and unrealistic hero images were replaced by realistic and compound characters, and the display of cool or violent action scenes contributed to lots of visual feasts. All the changes were influenced by the audience preferences and the development of private enterprises in Mainland China.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.8 no.4
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• pp.441-453
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• 1998

Varieties of the cereals produced in the Biblical times and the ways these cereal foods have been grafted into Korean food culture has been pursued, and the regulations of agricultural life and the metaphors or parables of cereals represented throughout the Bible have been studied. The word "grain" appears eight times in the KJV and one hundred seventeen times in the RSV. On the other hand, the word "corn" shows up one hundred and one times in the KJV but not in the RSV at all. Wheat, one of the earliest cultivated and the most important grains for food is mentioned fifty two times in KJV and generally the rich in those days lived on wheat in the parched state or in the form of bread. Barley, one of the staple cereal crops of Palestine is referred to thirty six times in the KJV. It was less expensive than wheat and so was used mainly for the food of such animals as horses, donkeys and cattle, but sometimes it was mixed with flour and used for making bread for men, mostly for Poor men. The spelt (in ASV and RSV) and the rie(in KJV) appearing in Exodus 9:32 is a kind of grain, which is translated into Na-mack (in Hangul Revised Bible ; HRB), Ssal-bori (in Hangul Common Translated Bible : HCB) and Ho-mil (in Hangul King James Bible; HKJB) but which should be put into Spelt-mil in Korean. The lentil appearing in Genesis 25 : 34 is translated into Pat (red-bean) and Bul-kong respectively in HRB and HCB but the same word in the Second Book of Samuel is translated into Pat in both HRB and HCB. HCB translates lentil into Bul-kong in Genesis and into Pat in the Second Book of Samuel (23:11). HCB and HKJB which put lentil into Pat in previous parts translate the word into Nok-tu in the Second Book of Samuel. The word, lentil here should be put into lentil-kong and parched pulse into "Poken-Chong-ja" not into Poken-Nok-tu. Millet which is translated into Cho should be put into Gui-jang. filches should not be classified as a grain or a cereal but as a flavor or a condiment, so the word filches should be put into So-Hoi-hyang or Hoi-hyang. Regulations in reference to agriculture are included in the Bible. That is, it is seen that the Bible regulates the observance of the sabbatical year and feasts, the partition of land, how to sow and so on. It is also observed that grains are used for metaphors or parables: wheat represents the peaceful times and straws are compared to trifles. As seen above, there should be more prudent examinations and standards for the translation of grains into Pat, Pul-kong, Nok-tu, Gui-ree, Ssal-bo-ri and Na-mack.i-ree, Ssal-bo-ri and Na-mack.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.7
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• pp.125-163
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• 2009

The artworks of Socialist Realism of the former Soviet Union, with the beginning of the 21st century, are gaining a new attention from art collectors. One reason for this might consist in the fact that relevant art pieces exemplify the ways in which they visualize ideas on the basis of their high-profile art tradition and also in which they integrate their utopian ideals with mysticism. These aspects of the Soviet art goes far beyond the wide-spread assumption that their art, as a means of propaganda, principally represents a political allegiance to the system. With Stalin coming into power in the 1930s, the artistic trend of Socialist Realism obtained a nationwide sympathy and support from people, giving birth to a new art which essentially corresponded to the demands of the political power. An official art current of the USSR over the period from the 1930s to 1950s, Socialist Realism was in tandem with the Communist commitment to the party and popularity, symbolizing a loyalty to the cause. It was thus characterized by plainness and lucidity so that ordinary people could gain easy access to art. Its salient feature, over an entire range of art, was an optimistic pursuit of a utopian dream. Therefore, it tallied with the popular sentiment for a Communist paradise, giving form to their beliefs in human agency working at the materialist world and also to such abstract concepts as force, fitness, and beauty by adding even mythical ideals. Its main subject matter includes harvest feasts of collective farms, imaginary socialist cities, grand marches of heroic laborers and in this way it served as a propaganda for a sacred utopia of socialist totalitarianism. On the other end of the spectrum, however, rose the second camp of art, which put an emphasis on bona-fide artistic activities of plastic art and on an artist's personal expression and freedom, as opposed to the surface optimism of Socialist Realism. Central to the Russian Avant Garde art, which prized the above-mentioned values, were Malevich's Geometric Abstraction and A. Rodchenko's Constructivism. Furthermore, in the transitional era of the late 20th century and the 21st century it was recognized that film art or electronic media art, rather than traditional genre of paintings, would function as a more efficient way of propaganda. These new genres were made possible by ridiculing the stereotypes of the Russian lifestyle and also by ignoring ethical or professional dimensions of artworks. That is, they reinvented themselves into a sort of field art, seemingly degrading the quality of artworks and transforming them into artifacts or simulacres in the very sense of post-modernism. The advent of the new era brought about the formation and occupation of pop culture of the younger generations, calling into question the idea of art as the class-determined. It also increased the attention to field art, which extensively found way to modern art centers, galleries, and exhibition projects. It can be stated that this was a natural outcome of human nature.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.91-117
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• 2018

In the tribute system controlling international relations of pre-modern East Asia, conciliation diplomacy between royal authorities was a principle of diplomatic relations among each nation. Therefore, capitals where royal authorities really existed were political centers and diplomatic stages at the same time. Notably, diplomatic relations between United Silla and Japan were maintained dually by conciliation diplomacy between royal authorities and practical diplomacy through Dazaihu located in Tsukushi. Tsukushi located at the northwestern tip of Kyushu was a gateway to foreign nations and stronghold in terms of national defense. Amidst an East Asian war named Baek River Battle in 663, the royal court of Daehwa established Dazaihu here because it was necessary for diplomatic and military responses. Dazaihu established as part of diplomatic negotiation not only took diplomatic functions as an official residence since the latter half of the 7thcentury. and but also was used as a stage of official diplomacy between Silla and Japan. Diplomatic negotiation between Silla and Japan through Dazaihu was made in practical methods and such a situation could be confirmed through diplomatic documents exchanged between Silla and Dazaihu in the middle of the 8thcentury. At that time, protocols became an importan tissue.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.1-30
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• 2015

The Red Book contains C.G. Jung's insightful comment on life suggesting the thoughts of the Eastern philosophers, particularly that of Lao Zi. The author reviewed Jung's commentaries in the Red Book in comparison with Lao Zi Dao De Jing. Jung's comments on the image of despised Surpreme Being, on the Simplicity, the attitudes of 'the Spirit of the Depth' toward intellectual knowledges and speech, toward the small and the mockered one resemble to what Lao Zi spoke on Dao in his Dao De Jing. The 'good and evil' are regarded by both C.G. Jung and Lao Zi as two poles in one total psyche. The favorite words of Lao Zi : 'emptiness' or 'empty' are frequently mentioned in the Red Book. The investigation in this concern revealed that C.G. Jung, contrary to Lao Zi has applied the word 'emptiness' mostly as the opposite to the fullness. C.G. Jung's way of encountering with the darkest side of soul in the Hell and his bold confrontation to the authoritative person such as Philemon, above all, the intensity of his experiences in the state of the utmost tension between the opposites are extraordinarily impressive and somehow strange when regarded from traditional eastern way of behavior such as I-You relationship and the patterns of emotional life based on Confucian tradition. Confucius never talked about the prodigies, feasts of strength and disorders or spirits. Lao Zi never mentioned infernal cruelty. Noteworthy is however, both have enough experienced the cruelty of life and conflicts in the reality and what they spoke was not a process in search for solution but the final proposals for the solution of human agony. C.G. Jung was, like great shaman in central and East-Asia forced to go through inferno in his unique way and from these experiences obtained the insight which resembles not only to Lao Zi but also to wisdoms from the western philosophies and also from the Christianity.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.4
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• pp.10-25
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• 2015

The purpose of this research is to investigate the reality behind Jeongjo's enjoyment of the palace garden. If I were to summarize the results of this research, they are as follows: First, The 'Sanghwajoeoyeon(賞花釣魚宴)' has the differentiation which decided and regularized the rules and the regulations with the annual meetings for the Kyujanggak(奎章閣). Jeongjo had held the events five times. Second, The 'Seshimdae(洗心臺) Excursion' is based on the tragic personal history of Jeongjo. There were four events. Third, Jeongjo had enjoyed the 'viewing of the waterfall(觀瀑)' of the Okryucheon(玉流川) where a lot of the water overflows right after it rains. This is worth the special mention with regard to the point that it is a temporary landscape and not an usual landscape. Fourth, As an event for the military officers, the 'Seoljungryonghohwe(雪中龍虎會)' was held seven times. This event had been held in the middle of the winter. And each of the attendees skewered a pheasant and roasted and ate it. Also, it emphasized the sovereign and the subjects being the partners of the joys and the sorrows by giving the alcoholic drinks and the music. Fifth, Jeongjo had consoled the hard work by the civilian subjects either by holding the brazier feast(煖爐會) in the winter or by granting the alcoholic drinks and the foods according to the historical facts of the brazier feasts. Sixth, Jeongjo was good at archery and enjoyed it. During the period of his reign, Jeongjo held twice Yeonsarye(燕射禮). Seventh, Jeongjo soothed his desire to get out of the busy everyday life at the royal palace garden. While appreciating the natural landscape of the backyard, he was awakened of the meaning of the Book of Changes(周易) in which all the things had been created and changed. Eighth, At the royal palace garden, Jeongjo actively prepared the place for enjoyment by the sovereign and the subjects together. It is judged that this is because, in order to materialize his political ideals, the support by all the subjects who had been close was needed. The limitation of this research is the fact that the research had been proceeded with limited to the translations, among the many old writings related to Jeongjo. With the accumulation of the excavations of the new thoughts and of the results of the translations, the researches that are deeper will be needed.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.1
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• pp.184-203
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• 2020

The Confucian ruling class of the Joseon Dynasty regarded Buddhist rituals as "dangerous festivals." However, these Buddhist ceremonies facilitated transitions between phases of life from birth till death and strengthened communal unity through their joint practice of the rites. Ritual spaces were decorated with various utensils and objects that transformed them into wondrous arenas. Of these ornaments, Buddhist paintings served as the most effective visual medium for educating the common people. As an example, a painting of the Ten Kings of the Underworld (siwangdo) could be hung as a means to illustrate the Buddhist view of the afterlife, embedded in images not only inside a Buddhist temple hall, but in any space where a Buddhist ritual was being held. Demand for Buddhist paintings rose considerably with their use in ritual spaces. Nectar ritual paintings (gamnodo), including scenes of appeasement rites for the souls of the deceased, emphasized depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives. In Chinese paintings of the water and land ceremony (suryukjae), these figures referred to one of several sacred groups who invited deities to a ritual. However, in Korean paintings of a nectar ritual, the iconography symbolized the patronage of the royal court and underlined the historicity and tradition of nationally conducted water and land ceremonies. This royal patronage implied the social and governmental sanction of Buddhist rituals. By including depictions of royal family members and their royal relatives, Joseon Buddhist paintings highlighted this approval. The Joseon ruling class outwardly feared that Buddhist rituals might undermine observance of Confucian proprieties and lead to a corruption of public morals, since monks and laymen, men and women, and people of all ranks mingled within the ritual spaces. The concern of the ruling class was also closely related to the nature of festivals, which involved deviation from the routines of daily life and violation of taboos. Since visual media such as paintings were considered to hold a special power, some members of the ruling class attempted to exploit this power, while others were apprehensive of the risks they entailed. According to Joseon wangjo sillok (The Annals of the Joseon Dynasty), the Joseon royal court burned Buddhist paintings and ordered the arrest of those who created them, while emphasizing their dangers. It further announced that so many citizens were gathering in Buddhist ritual spaces that the capital city was being left vacant. However, this record also paradoxically suggests that Buddhist rituals were widely considered festivals that people should participate in. Buddhist rituals could not be easily suppressed since they performed important religious functions reflecting the phases of the human life cycle, and had no available Confucian replacements. Their festive nature, unifying communities, expanded significantly at the time. The nectar ritual paintings of the late Joseon period realistically delineated nectar rituals and depicted the troops of traveling actors and performers that began to emerge during the seventeenth century. Such Buddhist rituals for consoling souls who encountered an unfortunate death were held annually and evolved into festivals during which the Joseon people relieved their everyday fatigue and refreshed themselves. The process of adopting Buddhist rituals-regarded as "dangerous festivals" due to political suppression of Buddhism in the Confucian nation-as seasonal customs and communal feasts is well reflected in the changes made in Buddhist paintings.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.35-39
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• 1987

The present study was attempted to obtain the basic data concerning a reasonable preparing method and the optimum fermentation conditions of Kochujang (Red pepper paste). To establish the standard qualify of Kochujang, changes of the chemical composition and the numbers of bacteria and feasts in Kochujang during fermentation were observed. Moisture, salts and crude ash contents of Kochujang were not changed significantly during fermentation. Titrable acidity and amino nitrogen gradually increased with the time-passed, whereas crude fat gradually decreased with the time-elapsed. And reducing sugar and total nitrogen increased until 40 days, but slightly decreased after this period. The numbers of bacteria and yeasts in the ingrients for the preparation of Kochujang were $3.9{\times}10^7/g$, $1.5{\times}10^3/g$ in red pepper powder, $7.6{\times}10^4/g$, $2.8{\times}10^2/g$ in salts. respectively, but those of sugar and malt were not more than 100/g. Microbial counts in Kochujang during fermentation increased until 40 days, but those are gradually decreased after that.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.5
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• pp.113-121
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• 2010

Shumi-sen(須彌山), built by Nohjagong(路子工) in the southern garden of the Palace Garden during the Asuka Period, is understood as being Sumeru based on an Indian perspective of the theory of the origin of universe. It is also viewed as Mt. Myogoh from a Chinese Buddhist worldview. It is thought to be a type of assembled stone structure with Poong-ryoon (風輪)-Su-ryoon(水輪)-Geum-ryoon(金輪)-Ji-ryoon(地輪) carved into each of the 4 stone pieces. These building shapes are thought to have been utilized as stone for exterior construction as opposed to those structures built during the Shilla Period of China and Korea. Aside from Nohjagong's record of Shumi-sen, most of the records from Japan's period of the time suggest that Shumi-sen was an important element that played a role in the scenery of the seasonal outdoor gardens. It is also thought, from the sentences and expressions surrounding the records, that a combination of the seasonal sceneries was utilized centered on Shumi-sen, and that they were all used during festival events. From a perspective of analysis and interpretation dependent on the limited literature and on observation, it cannot be verified whether the Mt. Sumeru Stone(須彌山石) excavated from the Stone God Ruins is the same Shumi-sen that Nohjagong built along with Okyo(吳橋), but it is thought that the 'Shumi-sen type stone structure' that was later built repeatedly as part of the palace garden facilities is identical to the Shumi-sen built at the Imperial Palace's southern garden, or at least a re-built structure based on the Shumi-sen that Nohjagong built with stones and ponds used to create the foundation. Thus, Shumi-sen that Nohjagong supposedly built along with Okyo is suspected to be a figurative rock arrangement and, at the same time, a miniaturized scenic rock arrangement(縮景樹石) that maximized the shape of Buddhism's Shumi-sen. On the other hand, the surface pattern on Mt. Sumeru Stone is very similar to the multi -layers of mountainous pattern icons expressed in the patterns of the Great Golden Incense Burner(百濟金銅大香爐) or Mountain-Water Scenery Sculptural Brick(山水山景紋?) that were built during the Baekjae pcriod aod the rear side of Hwalsuk-jebul Basal Byungipsang(滑石諸佛菩薩竝立像); it is suspected that similar patterns would have been used if patterns were made on Shumi-sen that Nohjagong built. Also in consideration of the physical theory of MI. Sumeru Stone, the Siphon theory of using a pressure difference in water level was applied to the fountain facilities of Mt. Sumeru Stone that seemed to have been built from the practical rock arrangement perspective for the purpose of feasts, etc.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.171-208
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• 2016

Female folk song singers do not necessarily recognize the indigenous elements, which are, however, naturally reflected in the narration in the context. Singers of Taebaek Ararei recognize the dialect, the tone and the song when performing. Traditional Ararei had been performed by singers in the village of slash-and-burn field in Hwangji. Cheolam and Jangseong do not have their own traditional songs sing they are mining regions but had adopted songs from other areas including Gyeonggbuk, which still remain as alternative versions. Many elements of Jeongseon Arari and Samcheok Menari are in the narration and the songs. In terms of the context, alternative versions of Ararei are old Arirang melodies from slash-and-burn fields and were confirmed to be a very old form of oral folk songs in Gangwondo. Female singers of 3 generations, Hwaok Mun, Geumsu Kim and Hyojeong Kim, who keep the tradition and identity of Taebaek Ararei, show the integration of the past, present and future of Ararei. The Ararei Preservation Society continuously organizes singers' performances and maintains the tradition. The singer Hwaok Mun was born in Taecheon, Pyeongannamdo and moved to south at 5 and lived in Hajang, Samcheok and then moved to Jangseong and lived in Jaemungok. She is a mother of 6 children and has been a farmer for most of her life. She currently resides in Mungokdong and would sing Ararei at village feasts or events. She says she learned the song naturally because Ararei was sung very often in the past around Taebaek area. She is a typical native Arirang singer. The singer Geumsu Kim is a daughter of Hwaok Mun and leads the Taebaek Ararei Preservation Society to study, maintain and introduce the sound of Taebaek(Taebaek Arirang). She introduces Miner Arirang and Taebaek Ararei to the society members and the local residents. The singer Hyojeong Kim is a granddaughter of Hwaok Mun and follows the tradition of her grandmother and mother while adopting more modern Arirang contents.