• Human Ecology Research
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• v.62 no.1
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• pp.151-164
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• 2024

This study examined the effects of perceived discrimination on multicultural adolescents regarding feelings of conflict over their ethnic identity by investigating the moderating role of father-child open communication and mother-child open communication mediated by bicultural competence. A total of 234 middle school students (grades 7-8; 139 girls and 95 boys) from multicultural families, from which the father is Korean and the mother is not, participated in the study. Data was collected through an online self-report questionnaire and was analyzed via SPSS 26.0 and Process (Version 4.1) MACRO. The results can be summarized as follows. First, bicultural competence mediated the effects of perceived discrimination on feelings of conflict over one's ethnic identity. Enhanced bicultural competence resulting from a lower perception of discrimination contributed to a reduction in feelings of conflict over one's ethnic identity. Second, the moderated mediation effect of fatherchild open communication was significant, while the effect of mother-child open communication was not. Thus, the mediation relationship (lower perceived discrimination increased bicultural competence and, thus, reduced conflict over one's ethnic identity) grew stronger as the level of father-child open communication increased. The significance of this study lies in uncovering the causal relationships between individual and environmental factors that contribute to ethnic identity development among multicultural adolescents, particularly highlighting the important role of Korean fathers within multicultural households.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.235-276
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• 2013

Recent incidents of lethal violence in the Rakhine State of Myanmar between the majority Buddhist Rakhine and the Muslim Rohingya have been the source of much concern for the international community. Unlike the past, the killings and incendiary attacks by both communities have intensified to a critical level, proving to be a great liability for the forward-thinking Myanmar government, whose recent transition to civilian rule after a long military one has made it eager to move on. The roots of the conflict trace back to the military regime, who branded the Rohingyas living in Rakhine state as illegal immigrants and refused to confer upon them official recognition as Myanmar citizens. The discord then moved to an ethnic conflict, pitting the Rohingya not merely against the Myanmar government but rather the majority Buddhist Rakhine. The conflict, as it has developed into the present, is an immensely complicated one that simultaneously encompasses ethnic and religious issues, all intertwined together. This study aims to see how the two ethnic groups have come to resort to such violence, despite having lived in each other's presence for many centuries, and why the violence persists. It will attempt to reconcile the fact that Rakhine had historically been a place of convergence for two groups, the Buddhist Rakhine and the Rakhine Muslim(the Rohingya). Based on the argument, this study also seeks to uncover, identify, and understand the Rohingya identity with the extreme arguments exhibited by both sides, and from there, locate the underlying causes of the greater religio-ethnic conflict in Rakhine that has so ravaged the place as of recent.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.56 no.6
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• pp.1311-1337
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• 2010

This paper deals with one of the hottest debates in the history of the Association for Asian American Studies (AAAS) since its inception in the late 1960s. In 1998 at Hawai'i, the AAAS awarded Lois-Ann Yamanaka its Fiction Award for her novel Blu's Hanging, only to have this award protested. The point at issue was the inappropriate representation of Filipino American characters called "Human Rats" in the novel. This event divided the association into two groups: one criticizing the novel for the problematic portrayal of Filipinos in colonial Hawai'i, and the other defending it from the criticism in the name of aesthetic freedom. Such a "crisis of representation" in Asian American identity reflects on the ways in which local Hawaiians are positioned in the complicate power dynamic between oppositional Hawaiian identity and cosmopolitan diasporic identity within the larger framework of Asian American pan-ethnic identity. The controversial event triggered the eruption of Asian Americans' anxiety over the identity-bounded nation of Asian America where intra-racial classism and conflict have been at play, which are primary themes of Blu's Hanging. This paper shows how Yamanaka's Blu's Hanging becomes so disturbing a work to prevent the hegemonic formality of Asian America identity from being fully dogmatic. Ultimately, it contradicts the political unconscious of the reading public and unmasked its false consciousness by engendering a "free subjective intervention" in the ideological reality of colonial Hawai'i.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.26
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• pp.123-144
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• 2012

In the modern society in which globalization and localization proceed simultaneously, diversified and rapid migration of diaspora makes a new from of boundary off the frame of the state and the nation. This new border accompanies cultural change and racial mixture; retains ethnic conflict, the gap between rich and poor, alienation and discrimination, as well as power conflict; and extends its influence. Nowadays, the countries all over the world including Korea face problem of Diaspora in numerous forms. And each country takes an approach to the problem of the diaspora in the aspects of their society, culture and political technology. This implies that most countries, without understanding the new form of border which is alive and dynamic, define and conceptualize the diaspora in the frame of one state and one nation to carry forward the policies accordingly, resulting in inequal, incomplete and awkward homogenization. This study aimed to explore the identity of the diaspora, the core for the problem solving. Of course, studies about the identity of the diaspora have been continued until today and many great outcomes have been achieved. Nevertheless, this study aimed to explore the identity of the diaspora and the national policies which have a close interrelationship with it. It is because the study ultimately aimed to highlight the interrelationship between the destination countries, Russia and China, and the diaspora, through the definition and the classification of Russian diaspora and Chinese diaspora and the analysis of the national policies about that. However, the intention was not to distinguish superiority through the comparison of the polices about the diaspora between two countries, but to focus on the diversity of the identity of the diaspora through defining each different diaspora and paralleling the policies. Second, the reason for looking into the diaspora policies of these two countries is because it is judged the changes in the diaspora policies of each country is one of the active factors for the changes in the identify of the diaspora of each country and it is the basic research for the study on the identity of the diaspora. New migration of diaspora changes the identity of the state, and the state makes the policies and enforce the policies, resulting in the influence on the diaspora. This interaction acts as the growth factor for the new boundary. The causes of Russian diaspora and Chinese diaspora show apparent 'differences'. In parallel with this, the policies about the diaspora in Russia and China arouse 'differences' to the diaspora. The variation of the identity of the diaspora made by these differences will suggest other viewpoints on the diaspora, and these viewpoints will become the foundation for solving the problem of the diaspora in the present times.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.67
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• pp.177-208
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• 2014

This study inquires how human interest news on society section of newspapers had been modulated as multi-layered political narratives that would consistently have Koreans consider, realize and question on colonial situation as well as ethnic identity. Under totalitarian censorship of the colonial government, newspapers could not publish reports on political issues and current affairs, so society page of human interest such as crime, accident, conflict, disaster, and many kinds of sufferings of peoples to death would take great public attention and consequently be considered as a substitute of political section. Society page had enjoyed its influence on formation of public opinion of the colonized ethnic society and had maintained cultural-nationalist position ever since the founding of newspaper in mother-tongue in 1920. In colonial context, there is nothing non-political to the lives of the colonized, social facts would be necessary and happen to be modulated into a narrative that could trigger nationalist sentiment. For this end, news reporting of society section usually concentrated on aspects of 'Les Mis${\acute{e}}$rqbles', dramatic quality, and psychological factors in detail. Narrative style of news reporting got used to modulate factual informations with a proper taste of exaggeration, emotional expression, and commercial touch of exciting words. Even in a case of death by drug abuse, news was written to indicate what made him/her drive to miserable death on street, that is, what is de facto reason of all of social problems like as migration, hunger, leaving home, crime, suicide, violence, gambling, love affairs to death, adultery, and even opium habit. Those social problems and personal sufferings appeared up on newspaper 3rd page at daily base. Readers could acknowledge and identify what the real matter that should be resolved and then blame colonialism, capitalism, and militarism for those social problems. Journalists put values on inciting the colonized to realize the national and ethnic situation and feel sympathy for their people tied up by a common destiny. In this terms, news on society section of newspaper under Colonial Occupation were encoded as narratives of politically layered text and then decoded as intriguing sentiments against colonial dominance. I argue that society page of newspaper of colonial period engaged in a sort of cultural politics of sentiment and emotion which is a private area outside of imperial sight.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.43
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• pp.377-404
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• 2016

In this paper, I intend to focus on the 1991 racial tension and violence portrayed in Anna Devear Smith's book Fires in the Mirror, which was published in book form in 1993. I make use of a series of interviews with many of those involved in the conflicts, which were based on the Jewish Holocaust and the history of African American enslavement. In Crown Heights, the black community and the Jewish community have each suffered terrible losses, but individuals and communities become rhetorically attached to foundational historical traumas that lie at the center of each group's cultural identity rather than try to understand each other's pain. Smith lets this rhetoric dominate Fires in the Mirror by putting contradictory monologues side by side in order to show how discourses on 'slavery' and 'the Holocaust' still have control over specific ethnic communities. My intention is not to delve into the conflict between the Jewish and black communities exclusively. Rather, I attempt to form an understanding of the problems of the critical/theoretical tenets proposed by 'the rhetoric of holocaust,' including the Jewish Holocaust and the black experience of enslavement. Such an understanding will help us see the failure in the theories, illuminating the ways that such rhetoric should have recognized its own violence and helped to forge a new relationship between racism and anti-Semitism. Fires in the Mirror mirrors back to us the ways that 'the Holocaust' betrays the possibility of error to indicate its own susceptibility to blindness. The cracks brought forth by conflicting narratives enable readers to observe wounds being healed and the possibility of new narrative looming up.