• Journal of Science and Technology Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.263-301
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• 2015

Digital inclusion is the ability or opportunities of individuals and groups to access and use information technology (IT). Digital inclusion strategies aims to ensure that all citizens regardless of their gender, race and class benefit from IT. Discourse of digital inclusion is notable in that it proposes a desirable relationship between the state, individuals, and the market within the shifting topology of technoscience. Throughout broad discourse analysis of media coverages, in-depth interviews and reports on Korean IT industry, this research argues that dialogues on digital inclusion have substantially influenced the formation of a specific ethical regime. In this regime, individuals should become subjects embodying IT expertise and acceptable codes of conducts. We further discuss that such government-driven ethical regime conflicts with technological citizenship practiced by IT experts and semi-experts. We make theoretical contribution to STS by expanding the concept of technological citizenship to include the rights and obligations of heterogeneous expert and semi-expert groups to form, propose and socially demand alternative developmental pathways of technoscience. We also note that, amid the conflict between ethical regime and technological citizenship, alternative interpretations of gender gap can be forged, providing competing perspectives on women's under-representation and labor conditions in the IT industry. Further research is required to capture the emergence of multiple identities--differentiated by gender, race, class, and more--within the clashing interface between the ethical regime and technological citizenship.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.129
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• pp.111-140
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• 2014

In this paper, the main subjects with which I deal are as follows: (1) Is Distancing Philosophy from the real ruling power a way of practical-philosophical resistance, based on social reformation as a axiological directivity of Kim Tae-Gil's ethical thought, though it is negative type of resistance? Or is it a sort of transformed value-free opportunist behavior which allows antidemocratic ruling group to coerce the people into submission, assuming an uncompromising stand seemingly? (2) Is Kim's defense argument on the opening of the course of National Ethics and the all-out activation of National Ethics education under Park's Yushin Regime derived from his own philosophical belief? Or is it brought out from the external conditions and circumstances surrounding Kim Tae-Gil which forces him to participate in the national undertaking for the settlement of the course of National Ethics in the university? The 'provisional' answers about the two subjects are as follows: (1) Kim's Distancing Philosophy is a type of practical philosophical revolt against the dictatorship power under Yushin Regime, though it is negative form of resistance. We can accept this philosophical elucidation above all by confirming the fact that the reform of reality is the main ethical trait running through his entire ethical thought system. However distancing philosophy disclose the crucial limits to allow itself to boil to the philosophical practice compromising with real ruling power eventually, though it is intended upon its own social ethical directivity and conviction. (2) The primary factor which affects Kim to propose such an advocation argument on the course of National Ethics and the education of National Ethics is the external conditions and circumstances surrounding him, especially the power-relation between he and ruling group and intimate human relation between he and his superior philosophers who carries out the role of a ideologue for the Yushin Regime, rather than his own philosophical belief. But no matter what primary factor, Kim's action to make a advocating argument to support the course and the education of National Ethics is to blame, on that account that he cannot adequately his social responsibility and role given to him as a reformist moral philosopher who will pursue the realization of righteous democratic society. Along with that, It is not too enough to criticize him sharply for such defending action. The reason is that his supporting stance for National Ethics education is brought out, by not adhering closely to the philosophical way of distancing from the dictatorial power devoid of political legitimacy and moral justification.

• Trans-
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• v.2
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• pp.39-58
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• 2017

This essay aims to examine Korean motion picture policy on the government censorship system from Jacques Derrida's thought associated with sense of ethics. Korean motion picture policy has focused on protection of domestic films to achieve a national goal from military dictatorship regime, so-called people unification or social stability. It also aimed to spread propaganda for despotic government. Thus, the government keeps tight control over all motion picture policy. It restricts not only freedom of choosing movies but also creativity from artist. Derrida used to talk about the justice and violence law. Derrida's thought is connected with the ethical consideration. This research concerned about the violence within film censorship policy of Korean government and explore possibilities of ethical censorship policy from Derrida's perspectives.

• The Korean Journal of Pain
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.22-30
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• 2011

Background: Pregabalin has been shown to have analgesic effect in acute pain models. The primary objective was to examine the efficacy a single dose of pregabalin, would have on morphine consumption following lumbar discectomy. Methods: With ethical approval a randomized, placebo-controlled prospective trial was undertaken in 32 patients (ASA I-II, 18-65 years) with radicular low back pain for > 3 months undergoing elective lumbar discectomy. Patients received either oral pregabalin 300 mg (PG Group) or placebo (C Group) one hour before surgery. Pain intensity, the accumulative morphine consumption and adverse effects were recorded for 24 hours following surgery. Functional, psychological and quantitative sensory testing were also assessed. Results: Fourteen patients out of the 32 recruited were randomized to receive pregabalin. Morphine consumption was reduced (absolute difference of 42.3%) between groups with medium effect size. (Mann-Whitney; U =52.5, z-score= 2.84, P = 0.004, r = 0.14). This was not associated with a significant difference in the incidence of adverse effects between the two groups. The median pain intensity (VAS) on movement was not significantly different between groups. Conclusions: A single pre-operative dose of pregabalin (300 mg) did not result in a reduction in pain intensity compared to placebo in this patient cohort but the significant reduction in morphine consumption suggests that a fixed peri-operative dosing regime warrants investigation.

• Journal of English Language & Literature
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.531-560
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• 2008

I hope to demonstrate in this paper the degree to which the works of Leonard and Virginia Woolf, mainly The Wise Virgins, The Village in the Jungle, and The Voyage Out, are contained within the politics of home. In doing so, I aim to challenge some mainstream criticism that affirms their resistance to British imperial desire. Although their statuses as outsiders in the British Empire, being a Jew and being a woman respectively, allowed Leonard and Virginia Woolf to criticize British imperialism and a male-dominated culture as well as racial and cultural hierarchies to a degree, their works inevitably unveil their prioritization of the British white-oriented space. In some ways their authorial positions in relation to their texts uphold the imperial center as an invisible regime of truth in their narratives, supporting the patriarchal and imperial binary oppositional structure and its hierarchical order imposed not only on the British subject but also on the foreign, colonial others. Leonard's and Virginia's inconsistencies and ambiguities betray their racial distantiation and notions of British white superiority, as disclosed in their racially stereotyped descriptions and the absence of real communication between the British characters and the colonial, foreign others. The work of self-repetition, the major mechanism in the politics of home, dies hard in Leonard's and Virginia's 'antiimperial' works. Leonard's and Virginia's struggle to stand against the imperial desire needs a genuine ethical position in order to embrace the Other, which would allow us to explore further and guard against the pitfall of postcolonial criticism's being easily degenerated into a neo-colonial criticism, another politics of home.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.70
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• pp.132-164
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• 2015

The formation of knowledge of the people of Korean society is the social practices of collective subjectivity. Subjectivity is the truth of the self, which is incessantly created, questioned and modified in the milieu of self-reflection. In an attempt to examine the hermeneutics of the subject of Korean society, a conceptual framework is proposed, which, with the notion of life embedded, consists of a historical sequence of the popular, minjung, multitude, people and community. The period of 1960s saw the ambiguous mass of lifes floating, the individual with his/her own interior world of consciousness emerge. The ideological solidarity is formed in the the next two decades, in contestation with immediate and physical threatening such as poverty and dictatorship. The democratization of Korean society and the global expansion of neoliberal regime gave a re-birth of multitude and people which is characterized with their pursuit of the co-existence and co-realization of singularity and universality on the ethical principle of the open and communicative radicality.