• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.161-196
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• 2018

The major object of this study is to analyze the political development of Myanmar's civilian government on the concept of defective democracy, and to investigate the main actors who delayed or stymied political development and their interrelation. In doing so, this study suggests the tasks required for political development overcoming the current political structure and behavior. The civilian government, which was launched in 2016, failed to achieve positive political development by following the behavior of military authoritarianism in terms of exercise of power and decision making structure. On the perspective of the government, delegative democracy and domain democracy have been strengthening since one person has taken over all political power and hesitate to take horizontal accountability for each power organizations. The military, which is responsible for national defence and security seeks illiberal democracy and exclusive democracy, keeping on an undemocratic constitution by the military and Burman ethnocentrism. The reasons why defective democracy has been occurred are that the lack of a group to run a democratic institutions and the limitation of power structure that fails to adhere to the principle of civilian control to the military due to long-term military rule. Therefore, there is a need for military's come back to barracks and transform the power structure to democratic of the civilian government which is tamed an authoritarian order for the political development in Myanmar. In order to achieve this, this study concludes that setting up a empowered democratic government is required.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.193-219
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• 2017

The year 2016 in Cambodia witnessed the regression of Cambodian democracy. Political oppression and manipulation executed by the ruling Cambodian People's Party destroyed democracy and civil society. The patronage politics operating on the age-old patron-client relations was invigorated as the financial demands for populist policies amounted. The economy continued its growth in 2016. Yet serious problems embedded in its very structure began to surface as the situation in and outside became less promising. Concerning international relations, the year 2016 marked conspicuous pro-China policies, which may cause unexpected friction with neighboring countries in the future.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.1
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• pp.121-144
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• 2018

The year 2016 in Cambodia witnessed the collapse of Cambodian democracy. Promising results in terms of fairness the communal elections achieved were eclipsed by the dissolution of the Cambodia National Rescue Party. With press and civil society also being silenced, the ruling Cambodian People's Party expects no more challenge to its authoritarian rule. The economy continued it growth in 2017. However, serious problems embedded in its structure threaten the likelihood of sustainable development. Cambodia with solid China backing began to amp up its voice on the international stage, heading to a head-on collision with big donators including the United States.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.2 no.3
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• pp.196-227
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• 2015

The premise of the intentional model of split-ticket voting is that some voters split their tickets simply because they prefer divided government and believe in constant "checks and balances." This article examines whether this premise stands firm in an emerging democracy like Taiwan. That is, by using survey data in Taiwan, we explore whether one's attitude toward divided or unified government is "real." We hypothesize that a citizen's attitude toward "checks and balances" is subject to change, and conditional on whether her preferred party is in power. Specifically, we speculate that a citizen would tend to hold the balancing perspective or favor divided government, if her preferred party is in opposition. However, if her preferred party becomes the ruling party, she would be more likely to oppose (hold) the balancing (non-balancing) perspective or favor unified government. We then utilize panel survey data embedded in Taiwan's Election and Democratization Studies (TEDS) to verify our hypothesis.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.44
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• pp.7-28
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• 2016

This study examines the sociocultural background of negritude by delving into Caseríos, Reggaeton, and $Trigue{\tilde{n}}os$, which are interrelated with the racism deeply embedded in Puerto Rican society. These terms have also been discussed in relation to the ideological discourse of racial democracy, which has caused Puerto Rican people to be blind to silenced inequality and hegemonic racial policies. Caseríos, housing projects for the poor urban class, are targeted by the state - sponsored project 'Mano Dura'. Due to the policing, control and surveillance of this anticrime project, Caseríos became perceived even more as residential communities of violence, poverty, and insecurity generally connected to the stigmatization of blackness. Reggaeton emerged as a mega hit genre of transnational Puerto Rican music in the 2000s, which in turn, drew attention to both the afrodiaspora in New York and the urban musical power in the Island. This musical genre serves to highlight the meaningfulness of black heritage in the national cultural identity of Puerto Rico. $Trigue{\tilde{n}}idad$ has recently become a common racial cultural term that embraces a broader racial paradigm of mestizaje. This term can function as an alternative concept of blackness, but it has not yet been transformed into enough cultural politics to resist ongoing racial democracy. The three terms intrinsically address both the uprooted racism and potential methods of challenging it. This paper argues the necessity of stronger and more responsive cultural politics to defy the pervasiveness and invisibility of racial discrimination in Puerto Rico.

• Review of Korean Society for Internet Information
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.52-57
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• 2013

Information and Communication Technologies(ICTs) have substantially enlarged both the opportunities to realize one's human rights but have also resulted in the emergence of new challenges. ICTs are so deeply embedded and cental to almost all aspects of human activity. And ICTs are assuming an increasingly central role in all aspects of human and societal development across the world. But this is especially true of the right to privacy, which faces challenges such as profiling and data mining for public(including national security) and private purposes. ICTs access is a fundamental right for all humans in the information age. So we have need for regulation based on human rights in the digital age. And governments have a responsibility to protect individuals against violations of human rights and data protection by public authorities, but also by private entities. In addition, internet governance and multi-stakeholder principle have to be stressed on all of the internet issues because internet governance is included in the principle of democracy which have bottom-up communication and equality. So it is very importance that Internet Governance Forum is the space for a meaningful discussion on public policy issues relating to the internet.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.10
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• pp.738-749
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• 2020

The stamp commemorating the inauguration of a president is the smallest historical symbol that contains a nation's vision and wishes of the times. The stamp itself is just a collection of images but contains the meaning of the highest leader's perceived image at the time through their face and a symbol. This paper regarded presidential inauguration commemorative stamps in the context of advertisement or promotional materials to structurally analyze the images of the political leaders embedded in stamps utilizing 'semiology' theory, which is considered to be a useful method of advertisement. In accordance with social and cultural changes, the 2000s, when the changes in the presidential inauguration stamp was most distinctively noticeable, was set as the time frame. Only the presidential inauguration commemorative stamps of Moo-hyun Roh, Myung-bak Lee, Geun-hye Park, and Jae-in Moon were selected for this study. In order to interpret the image, a semiotic structure was applied to reconstruct the meaning of the image of the political leaders. Since this can lead to subjective judgment in image analysis, it attempted to find the truth through comprehensive interpretation and approach it from the social and cultural contexts, not a static approach. In this paper, the images of the Korean political leaders in the 2000s shown on stamps are no longer influenced by traditional political factors such as political parties, political ideologies, and regional origins due to the evolution of democracy. This study derives the characteristics of the images of independent and characteristic leaders centered on a person according to the situations and social phenomena of the times.