• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
• /
• v.19 no.4
• /
• pp.174-186
• /
• 2019

Twitter is very popluar with users who desire social interaction as it is a highly effective method of communicating compared to traditional communication platforms; and thus has garnered considerable interest from the academic community. This research reveals how election results can be predicted by the factors of total volume of messages, positive messages and negative messages tweeted about a candidate. Social matrix analysis revealed that the quantity of twitter messages was a strong predictor of election results in the 18th presidential election in Korea. In addition, more positive messages than negative messages about a candidate from twitter users recorded better results in the election. This research found that the total quantity of messages, positive messages, and negative messages as key factors for predicting election result. Future studies should investigate other SNS platforms to discover what is the most effective communication strategy on each platform.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• v.1 no.2
• /
• pp.1-8
• /
• 2002

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• v.3 no.1
• /
• pp.1-9
• /
• 2004

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• v.4 no.2
• /
• pp.5-13
• /
• 2005

• Korean journal of communication and information
• /
• v.53
• /
• pp.100-120
• /
• 2011

The inauguration of President Lee Myung-bak symbolizes the success of the "Lost 10 Years" election strategy. This study investigated the meaning of the "Lost 10 Years" strategy and compared this strategy to other traditional propaganda strategies. Although the "Lost 10 Years" is a Grand National Party (GNP) election strategy, it also functions as a conservative propaganda strategy by conservative political groups and media. Thus, this study intends to compare the rhetoric of the GNP with conservative media and find any similarities between the two entities in the context of the "Lost 10 Years" propaganda strategies. This study gathered data from various conservative sources such as the GNP homepage and conservative newspapers to uncover common conservative propaganda messages. The results showed that the first-level propaganda strategies are very similar to the second-level traditional Lasswell strategies. This implies that the "Lost 10 Years" strategy benchmarked traditional propaganda strategies and the GNP won the presidential election because the effectiveness of traditional propaganda strategies was culminated with the support of the conservative media. With these research findings, the study discussed the implications of the propaganda strategies used by conservatives and future research prospects about the subject.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
• /
• v.15 no.1
• /
• pp.4-16
• /
• 2016

A large literature identifies perceptual differences between citizens that support winning parties versus losing parties. These analyses fail to capture the complexity of mixed member legislative systems where one can be a winner or loser at both the national and district level. This paper proposes a two-level framework for the analysis of mixed system. An analysis of Taiwan’s first election under a mixed system provides evidence that both support for a national winner and district level winner produce boosts in positive perceptions of the electoral system. National success appears to be a larger motivator of perceptions.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
• /
• v.7 no.1
• /
• pp.23-39
• /
• 2019

Assuming that a political party has a strong incentive to gain votes via issue setting as part of its campaign strategy, this study utilized a Web experimental survey to explore the extent to which three issue-related campaign advertising strategies - namely, issue ownership, issue convergence, and issue trespassing - affected voters' perceptions toward parties' issue-handling capabilities. Our empirical results show that issue ownership perceptions exist in Taiwan. In the 2012 Taiwan presidential election, as issue ownership advertisements may reinforce voters' beliefs regarding parties' issue-handling capabilities, issue trespassing advertising may improve a party's image on the disadvantageous issue dimension. At least our data shows that the Kuomintang's (KMT) advertisements have both effects.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
• /
• v.3 no.4
• /
• pp.101-106
• /
• 2017

This paper investigates how news media frame news editorials to deliver their subjective ideological stance through news discourse related with two candidates in 2016 U.S presidential election. For this purpose, 13 editorials were chosen and analyzed which appeared on the New York Time for the period from Sept. 1 to Sept. 30, almost two months prior to the election, giving special attention to the headlines of those editorials and the expressive linguistic forms in the selected two articles, based on the two theoretical frameworks-van Dijk' (1996)'s ideological square and Martin and White (2005)'s Appraisal Theory. The results are as follows: (1) editorials clearly supported Hillary Clinton; (2) following the appraisal theory, the category of 'feeling' was applied in expressing the preference for Hillary, whereas the strategy of judgment for Trump, where the strategy of 'emphasis' from the ideological framework were used for both candidates.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
• /
• v.11 no.8
• /
• pp.1-10
• /
• 2013

Even though the importance of reading voters' share of mind increases in political campaign, there is no research which analyzes engagement in perspective of political campaign. Therefore, the purpose of this research is to calculate political engagement index which is qualitative indicator about political campaign's immersion in candidate in perspective of engagement and provide scientific data for political advertisement and publicity strategy. For this purpose, A and B candidates who ran for 18th president in December 19th, 2012 are selected for subjects of the research. The young people whose voter participations are low in this presidential election are selected as subjects for responding questionnaire and are surveyed. This research is qualitative evaluation which tires to supplement a limit of qualitative analysis of content by surpassing quantitative evaluation including advertisement, promotion, public opinion on politics, ratings, etc. Evaluation attribute is designed to distribute 8 PEI into 0~100 score. If PEI is more than 50, then the score indicates immersion above average. If PEI is lower than 50, then the score indicates immersion below average. The model of the research will contribute to development of methodological research of political campaign strategy. Also, in the future, this model can be used as micro-targeting in each political campaign's election strategy.

• Journal of Internet Computing and Services
• /
• v.17 no.2
• /
• pp.87-95
• /
• 2016

Considerable research over the years has been devoted to ascertaining the impact of social media on political settings.In recent days, Social Network Sites (SNS) such as Facebook allowed users to share their political beliefs, support specific candidates, and interact with others on political issues. This study examines the role of SNS as the means of political campaign. The study tasks the case of the 2015'sspecial election, Seoul Korea. The analysis aims to identify how candidates use Facebook or Twitter to interact with voters by applying functional theory of political campaign discourse developed by Benoit. In this study, we analyzed the candidates' SNS messages in terms of political behavior such as self-expression, informing policy, asking voters to participate in political events. Among them the results indicated that two candidates, Jung, Dong Young and Byun, Hee Jae, both of them used SNS to express themselves the most. The study also found that two candidates used mainly the strategy called 'acclaim' which praises their own strengths. In terms of topics of SNS messages (policy versus character) there was different between two candidates. Jung, sent message in relation to 'character' the most, while Byun contained 'policy' message on SNS the most. Based on these findings implications and directions for future studies are discussed.