• Journal of Korea Multimedia Society
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• v.13 no.7
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• pp.950-959
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• 2010

The Election paradigm can be used as a building block in many practical problems such as group communication, atomic commit and replicated data management where a protocol coordinator might be useful. The problem has been widely studied in the research community since one reason for this wide interest is that many distributed protocols need an election protocol. However, mobile ad hoc systems are more prone to failures than conventional distributed systems. Solving election in such an environment requires from a set of mobile nodes to choose a unique node as a leader based on its priority despite failures or disconnections of mobile nodes. In this paper, we describe a solution to the election problem from mobile ad hoc computing systems and it was proved by temporal logic. This solution is based on the Group Membership Detection algorithm.

• Survey Research
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.57-72
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• 2009

In Korea, telephone surveys have been used in election forecasting since 1992. In some elections, predictions were excellent, but in some elections, the predictions based on telephone surveys were not good. So, exit polls have been used along with the telephone surveys in predicting election outcomes since 2001 by the major broadcasting networks. Though telephone surveys, in general, have been less accurate than exit polls in election forecasting from 2000 to 2003, they were more accurate in the 2004 General Election than the exit polls. All predictions on the winners by the telephone surveys turned out to be accurate. But such success has not persisted. In the 2008 General Election, the telephone surveys was less accurate than the exit polls and actually its accuracy fell clown to the level of the 2000 General Election. This paper tried to find out. the factors responsible for the fluctuation of the accuracy of telephone polls.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.301-307
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• 2022

Today, each broadcasting station makes the best use of CG (computer Graphics), which is the latest technology in election broadcasting, and competes to attract the eyes of viewers. This paper investigated the history of CG technology and design transitions in election ballot counting broadcasts from the perspective of CG designers. From the 1980s, when computer-based election ballot counting began, to the full-scale use of virtual studios, the image and technology produced by CG while watching the ballot-counting broadcast video of general elections, presidential elections, and local elections. We analyzed the utilization from various angles. In Korea, we started with the EDDS (Election Data Display System) developed in-house, created a database using a computer, and introduced manual animation CG every day from that time. After that, broadcasting stations focused on diverse and gorgeous CG image competition, and CG images were expanded from 2D to 3D while technology and design developed together. From 1985 to 1992, Korean broadcasting can be seen as a transitional period in which the image changes due to the emphasis on information power while utilizing digital technology.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.26 no.2
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• pp.5-33
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• 2020

Ahead of the 21st Korean National Assembly Election, the congressional election law was revised, and the semi-mixed member proportional system was introduced. The purpose of the revision of the election law was to increase the proportionality and representativeness of the election system through the institutional reform in the direction of promoting a multi-party system. This study shows that the effect of the introduction of the semi-mixed proportional system was compared with the election results when the previous proportional representative system was maintained. There was no significant difference from the results. This study reveals that contrary to the intention of institutional design to revitalize the multi-party system, the two large political parties took the most seats after democratization in 1987, resulting in an unintended consequences. In addition, with regard to the recent argument for party realignment, the Busan, Ulsan, and Gyeongnam regions have been dealigned in the Yeongnam regional cleavage, and are undergoing a process of party realignment. It has not yet entered the stage of realignment, but remains in the stage of fluid dealignment.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.301-308
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• 2009

This paper studied the scheme to realize the manifesto as the method of resolving the side effects after the introduction of the superintendent's election system, a direct election by local residents, in order to implement participative democracy in the educational field. When the superintendent's election system playing an important role in protecting the identity of a state is intruded by the political logic, ideology or factional interest, it leads to the educational crisis such as the damaged independence of the policy and the like. The local educational autonomous system is the institutional arrangement to secure the independence and neutrality of education based on morality and guarantee the democratization and decentralization of educational administration. The scheme to resolve the corrupt aspect of the election of the superintendent is to lead election to the policy-based election. This paper presents the scheme to realize the manifesto movement of the superintendent's electoral campaign to resolve this side effect. All political agents and candidates should be allowed to make free access to diverse information to draw up the manifesto and raise the reliability of the manifesto itself, be guaranteed neutrality, speciality, objectiveness, fairness and the like. In particular, it can be seen that the core task is whether citizens can be involved in the manifesto movement through a shift in their thinking about educational autonomy.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.9
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• pp.208-223
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• 2020

In the 21st general election held in April 15, 2020, the importance of social media as an election campaigning tool became more prominent when engaged with Corona 19. Therefore, in this study, various studies were conducted to establish SNS strategy as an election campaign tool. This study analyzed the contents of SNS (Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) activities as an election campaign tool to analyze messages on social media messages of candidates Lee Nak-yeon and candidate Hwang Kyo-an of Jongno-gu, Seoul during the 2020 21st National Assembly election. Data collection mainly analyzed posts from each candidate's official account, and the research method used text analysis using the R program. Word cloud, comparative analysis, q-graph analysis, LDA, and STM analysis were used during text analysis. In addition, the analysis result was confirmed to be statistically significant through correlation analysis. As a result of research, candidate Lee Nak-yeon's election includes corona, people, problems, crisis, suffering, and wisdom, which indicates that the crisis caused by corona must be overcome through any means possible. On the other hand, candidate Hwang Kyo-an's election includes Moon Jae-in, the regime, save, the fatherland, the judge, and the economy. And from the perspective of political publicity, candidate Lee Nak-yeon made a lot of acclaims, while candidate Hwang Kyo-an made a lot of attacks, and both themes emphasized the policy rather than the image.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.55
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• pp.74-99
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• 2011

This article tries to find out some regulatory facts to improve and vitalize roles of social media such as facebook, twitter, etc in the election campaign. For this goal, a theoretical approach is based on the agnostic and open aspects of the regulation system of election. Case study and in-depth interview were used as research methods in this article. The results are as follows. First, some differences are in the election regulatory system regarding the roles of social media in UK, US, Japan and Korea. The election public sphere systems of these countries categorized to the types of legal factors to control political communications in election public sphere; free-speech oriented system(UK. US), limited free-speech oriented system(Korea), normative-oriented system(Japan). Second, most respondents answered they agreed with some improvement ideas to reflect needs of netizen and academic who suggest to minimize regulatory burdens on social media in the political communication during the election campaign.

• Journal of KIISE:Computer Systems and Theory
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.169-175
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• 2002

This paper is about the hardness of the Election problem in asynchronous distributed systems in which processes can crash but links are reliable. The hardness of the problem is defined with respect to the difficulty to solve it despite failures. It is shown that problems encountered in the system are classified as three classes of problems: F (fault-tolerant), NF (Not fault-tolerant) and NFC(NF-completeness). Among those, the class NFC is the hardest problems to solve. In this paper, we prove that the Election problem is the most difficult problem which belongs to the class NFC.

• Survey Research
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• v.8 no.1
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• pp.81-104
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• 2007

This paper discusses the central issues of election studies and in this contort, suggests the panel survey method as an alternative to general opinion surveys. In doing so, it also explains the advantages and benefits that a panel survey provides, and discusses the weakness of the 2006 panel survey. East Asia Institutes, constructing the consortium which includes JoongAng Ilbo, SBS, and Hankook Research, traces the change in voting decisions during the 2006 Korean Local Elections. Four regional panels, focusing on the gubernatorial elections in Seoul, Pusan, Kwangju, and Chungnam, enable researchers to study the critical issues of election studies such as the causal relations among a set of voting determinants, the impact of campaigns, and the characteristics of floating voters.

• Journal of the Korean Data and Information Science Society
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.369-375
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• 2009

The next local election for Jeollabuk-do will be held in 2010. In preparation for this, we conducted a study to observe whether or not if minute regionalism occurred during the fourth "Nationally coordinated local election" which was held on May 31st in 2006. This study is based on Jeollabuk-do provincial governor election data. For this, we introduced a RS index which is used to measure how evenly each candidate for governor of the province received votes, and chi-statistics that measure each candidate's local intimacy. Further more, we checked out whether minute regionalism occurred or not by putting to practical use correspondence analysis. As a result, we could confirm that minute regionalism occurred to a few candidates. After reviewing many measurements, we found that a RS index's validity is not high.