• Journal of Communications and Networks
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• v.11 no.3
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• pp.248-260
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• 2009

To connect a mobile ad hoc network (MANET) with an IP network and to carryout communication, ad hoc network node needs to be configured with unique IP adress. Dynamic host configuration protocol (DHCP) server autoconfigure nodes in wired networks. However, this cannot be applied to ad hoc network without introducing some changes in auto configuration mechanism, due to intrinsic properties (i.e., multi-hop, dynamic, and distributed nature) of the network. In this paper, we propose a scalable autoconfiguration scheme for MANETs with hierarchical topology consisting of leader and member nodes, by considering the global Internet connectivity with minimum overhead. In our proposed scheme, a joining node selects one of the pre-configured nodes for its duplicate address detection (DAD) operation. We reduce overhead and make our scheme scalable by eliminating the broadcast of DAD messages in the network. We also propose the group leader election algorithm, which takes into account the resources, density, and position information of a node to select a new leader. Our simulation results show that our proposed scheme is effective to reduce the overhead and is scalable. Also, it is shown that the proposed scheme provides an efficient method to heal the network after partitioning and merging by enhancing the role of bordering nodes in the group.

• Journal of KIISE:Computing Practices and Letters
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• v.16 no.3
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• pp.346-350
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• 2010

Since sensor nodes have restriction of using resources in Zigbee network, number of study on improving efficiency is currently ongoing[1]. Clustering mechanism based on hierarchy structure provides a prevention of duplicated information and a facility of a network expansion[2]. however overheads can occurs when the cluster header is elected and the election of a incorrect cluster header causes to use resources inefficiently. In this paper, we propose that the cluster header election mechanism using distances between nodes and density of nodes in accordance with the operation of the central processing system in which the sync nodes are having information of location and energy with respect to general nodes based on hierachy clustering mechanism.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.81-111
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• 2017

This article analyzes three major issues related to regional voting in South Korea. First, is regional voting a regional problem or an ideological problem? Second, is regional voting caused by regional identity or regional interest? Third, has regionalism waxed or waned? Analyses of the cumulative data set since the 15th presidential election yield the following results. First, Yongnam people are more conservative than Honam people. Second, regional voting consists of ideological and regional components. Third, there exist both a hometown effect and an abode effect in regional voting, but the latter is significantly greater than the former. Forth, regionalism had weakened between the 15th National Assembly election and the 16th Presidential election, but has not varied much since then.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.57-74
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• 2019

Researchers usually examine the quality of survey data by several conventional measures of reliability and validity. However, those measures are mainly designed to examine the quality of an individual measurement, rather than the quality of a data set as a whole. There is a relative lack of methods for evaluation of the overall data quality. This paper attempts to fill this gap. We propose using interviewers' assessments as one of criteria for evaluating the overall data quality. Interviewers are the ones who literally conduct and thus directly observe interviews. Taiwan's Election and Democratization Studies (TEDS) have required interviewers to assess how trustworthy the responses of each of their interviewees are, and to provide several descriptions about the process and environment of the interviews. We use this information to evaluate the data quality of TEDS surveys and compare it with the results from the conventional test-retest method. The findings are that the interviewer assessment is a fair indicator of the overall reliability of attitudinal questions but not a good indicator when factual questions are examined. Regarding the evaluation of data validity, more data is required to see whether or not interviewers' assessment is informative in terms of data quality.

• Communications for Statistical Applications and Methods
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.261-272
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• 2019

In this paper, we propose a procedure to build a prediction interval of the sum of dependent binary random variables over a graph to account for the dependence among binary variables. Our main interest is to find a prediction interval of the weighted sum of dependent binary random variables indexed by a graph. This problem is motivated by the prediction problem of various elections including Korean National Assembly and US presidential election. Traditional and popular approaches to construct the prediction interval of the seats won by major parties are normal approximation by the CLT and Monte Carlo method by generating many independent Bernoulli random variables assuming that those binary random variables are independent and the success probabilities are known constants. However, in practice, the survey results (also the exit polls) on the election are random and hardly independent to each other. They are more often spatially correlated random variables. To take this into account, we suggest a spatial auto-regressive (AR) model for the surveyed success probabilities, and propose a residual based bootstrap procedure to construct the prediction interval of the sum of the binary outcomes. Finally, we apply the procedure to building the prediction intervals of the number of legislative seats won by each party from the exit poll data in the $19^{th}$ and $20^{th}$ Korea National Assembly elections.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.63-92
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• 2019

What motivates split-ticket voting in mixed electoral systems, where voters choose one party in district races and another party on the party list ballot? While much of the literature assumes strategic intent, three aspects commonly are overlooked: the competitiveness of district races, the presence of a district candidate from one's preferred party, and whether voters know the electoral threshold for party list seats. Furthermore, few studies disaggregate types of split-ticket voting (e.g. not voting for one's preferred party in a district vs. party list). Taiwan provides an intriguing case study for analysis, not only as a relatively new adopter of a mixed system, but also the presence of additional conditions that would encourage at least the consideration of a split ticket. Using survey data from the Taiwan's Election and Democratization Studies (TEDS) after the Taiwan's 2016 Legislative Yuan election, this analysis finds that knowing the threshold, the winner's margin, and the placement of a district candidate from one's preferred party all influence split-ticket voting among those with a partisan preference. However, closer inspection identifies a distinction between defecting from the district versus the party list. Evidence shows that district competitiveness and candidate placement influences defection from the district candidate, while the electoral threshold influences defection from the party list. The results add to our understanding of strategic and non-strategic incentives in mixed systems.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.49 no.1
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• pp.149-171
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• 2018

The aim of this study is to investigate the library related campaign promises of the candidates for the heads of metropolitan governments and the superintendents of education between 1st and 6th nationwide local election in Korea. To do this, the library related campaign promises of 346 candidates were analyzed by analysing the official gazettes for elections digitally archived in National Election Commission of Korea. As a result, the campaign promises of the candidates were insufficient both in quality and quantity. The candidates for the heads of metropolitan governments showed low ratio of the library related campaign promises, excessive concentration on construction or installation of libraries and higher preference for small libraries than public libraries. The candidates for the superintendents of education showed relatively balanced distribution of the election promises on library fields. But the campaign promises related public libraries were insufficient and the campaign promises of school libraries did not reflect the major elements of school libraries and the context of school libraries in Korea.

• Journal of dental hygiene science
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.69-74
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• 2009

The purpose of this study is to investigate the actual attitude of the major newspapers and broadcastings about public health policy during last $17^{th}$ presidential election and $18^{th}$ election for a member of the National Assembly and apply it to the study of procedure of making decision of policy as a fundamental data. Two researchers surveyed and analyzed all articles from three broadcasting stations, KBS, MBC, and SBS, and from four newspaper companies, Donga, Jungang, Chosun, and Hangyoreh. Among the major articles, the articles related to policies are ranked in last (10.8%). And among the reported 284 articles related to the policies, the social section (75 articles, 26.4%) and the economic section (73 articles, 25.7%) took part of over 50% of all. However, the articles related to public health policy took part of only 9.9% (28 articles). Among the articles of public health policy, the articles related to the cost of the medical service were ranked in the first (39.3%). Therefore, to solve the problems of the major public health policy, it needs effort to develop the public health policy and use the media to realize the developed policies.

• Survey Research
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.31-63
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• 2011

This study is to make an effective forecasting model for turn-out rates of the candidates with their visibilities, which are measured in their names on the media during the election period. I make a regressive model, with the data of 2010 gubernatorial election in Korea, where turn-out rate is dependent variable and each candidate's visibility, incumbency effect, local control party effect, corruption effect, strategy voting effect, restrain effect as a mid-term evaluation, and policy effect are independent variables. I got the model, T = -4.65 + 1.02V + 16.90 I + 16.78L - 9.12 R, where T is turn-out rate, V is candidate's visibility, I is incumbent effect, L is local control party effect, and R is restrain effect. This function can be used to predict turn-out rates of the candidates in the forthcoming gubernatorial election in Korea at a small outlay.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.5
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• pp.13-24
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• 2014

This study is the first model to apply the concept of media engagement to a political campaign by which the voters' mind toward the supporting political candidates, are read. Thus it provides the theoretical and practical implications to the political campaign, and eventually contributes to the development of democracy. For these objectives, the total of 729 people who have the right to vote were telephone surveyed using the peoplemeter, CATI program in the 18th Presidential Election (12 areas including Seoul) of Dec. 19th 2012, and Re and By-election of April 24th 2013. Research question is to examine how the 5 attributes of the media engagement (interest, immersion, relevance, satisfaction and participation), play a role as the moderating variables in cross-correlation, socio-economic status and media properties. The result shows that of the five properties of media engagement, the relevant factor is the important parameter of mediating variable to the causal relationship. The media usage (TV, SNS, print media), socio-economic status (gender, age, income, marriage and area), involvement and the Presidential Election, and Re and By-election are also effective in the five attributes of media engagement. These results suggest that the a study model can measure the campaign effectiveness. This study will contribute significantly to the development of politics, election, media, advertising, and public relations area as well as to promote interdisciplinary research.