• 한국산림과학회지
• /
• 제66권1호
• /
• pp.16-36
• /
• 1984

화강암질풍화토(花崗岩質風化土)의 미교란(未攪亂) 시료(試料)를 사용하여 일면(一面) 직접(直接) 전단시험(剪斷試驗)으로 측정(測定)한 전단강도(剪斷强度)와 함수비(含水比), 간극비(間隙比), 건조밀도(乾燥密度), 비중(比重)과의 관계(關係)를 통계(統計) 분석(分析)하였고, 화강암질풍화토(花崗岩質風化土)의 사방시공지(砂防施工地)에 식재(植栽)된 리기다소나무림(林)과 리기테-다소나무림(林)에서 토양단면(土壤斷面)을 만들어 산중식토양경도계(山中式土壤硬度計)로 토양(土壤)의 견밀도(堅密度)를 측정(測定)하고 수근분포(樹根分布)를 조사(調査)하여 통계(統計) 분석(分析)한 결과(結果) 다음과 같다. 1) 함수비(含水比), 간극비(間隙比)와 전단강도(剪斷强度) 간(間)에는 유의적(有意的)인 부(負)의 상관(相關)이며 직접적(直接的)인 관계(關係)에 있었다. 2) 건조밀도(乾燥密度)와 전단강도(剪斷强度) 사이에는 정(正)의 상관(相關)이며 직접적(直接的)인 관계(關係)에 있었다. 3) 비중(比重)과 전단강도(剪斷强度) 간(間)에는 유의적(有意的)인 상관관계(相關關係)를 인정(認定)할 수 없었다. 4) 전단강도(剪斷强度)에 영향(影響)을 미치는 영향요소(影響要素)의 직접효과(直接效果)의 크기는 함수비(含水比)>간극비(間隙比)>건조밀도(乾燥密度)의 순위(順位)이다. 5) 다중선형(多重線型) 회귀방정식(回歸方程式)의 분산분석결과(分散分析結果) 함수비(含水比)만이 회귀성(回歸性)이 인정(認定)되므로 함수비(含水比)를 독립변수(獨立變數)로 하여 전단강도(剪斷强度)를 추정(推定)하기 위한 회귀방정식(回歸方程式)은 제한(制限)된 건조밀도(乾燥密度)의 범위내(範圍內)에서 적합도(適合度)가 매우 높게 평가(評價)되었다. 6) 토양(土壤)의 견밀도(堅密度)는 토심(土深)이 깊어짐에 따라 높아진다. 7) 토양(土壤)의 지표경도(指標硬度)와 수근수(樹根數) 간(間)에는 유의적(有意的)인 부(負)의 상관(相關)이며 직접적(直接的)인 관계(關係)에 있었다. 8) 리기다소나무와 리기테-다소나무의 수근(樹根)은 토심(土深) 20cm까지에 대부분 분포(分布)하고 있었다. 9) 리기다소나무림(林)과 리기테-다소나무림(林)에서 측정(測定)한 토양(土壤)의 지표경도(指標硬度)를 독립변수(獨立變數)로한 회귀방정식(回歸方程式)으로 수근수(樹根數)를 추정(推定)할 수 있었으나 낮은 적합도(適合度)를 나타내었다.

• 대한방사선치료학회지
• /
• 제17권1호
• /
• pp.1-8
• /
• 2005

목적 : CT영상을 이용한 삼차원치료계획을 수립하여 방광과 직장의 점선량(point dose)과 체적선량(volume dose)에 대해 선량-체적 히스토그램(Dose-Volume Histogram)을 이용하여 자궁경부암의 강내치료에 사용하는 packing의 효과를 분석하였다. 대상 및 방법 : 자궁경부암 환자 7명을 대상으로 하여 동일조건하에서 packing을 시행했을 때와 제거했을 때 각각 CT촬영(Ultra Z, marconi, USA)을 하여 치료계획장치(Plato Brachy the Rapy V14.2.4)에서 방광과 직장의 reference point를 각각 표시하고 ICRU38에 따라 A point에 치료계획을 시행하였다. 하지만 rectum의 경우 ICRU에서 제시한 point가 rectum 선량을 대표할 수 있는 값으로 적절하지 않기 때문에 maximum point를 찾아 비교하였다. 그리고 rectum과 bladder의 $50\%,\;80\%,\;100\%$선량의 volume에 따른 체적선량을 알아보았다. 측정한 값들을 윌콕슨 부호검정(SAS 통계분석처리 프로그램)을 통하여 packing의 효과를 분석하였다. 결과 : Packing 제거 시에서의 방광과 직장의 reference point 선량은 $116.94{\pm}35.42\%,\;117.59{\pm}21.08\%$이었고, packing 시행한 경우에는 각각 $107.08{\pm}38.12\%,\;95.19{\pm}21.32\%$이었다. Packing시행 후에 방광은 $9.86\%$, 직장은 $22.4\%$감소하였다. Packing제거시의 방광과 직장 maximum point 선량은 $164.51{\pm}50.89\%,\;128.81{\pm}33.05\%$, packing시행한 경우 각각 $142.31{\pm}44.79,\;110.08{\pm}37.03\%$이었다. packing시행 후에 방광과직장 maximum point 선량이 $22.2\%,\;18.73\%$줄어들었다. packing제거시 방광과 직장선량의 $50\%,\;80\%,\;100\%$선량의 Volume은 방광이 $48.62{\pm}18.09\%,\;16.12{\pm}11.15\%,\;7.51{\pm}6.63\%$, 직장이 $23.41{\pm}14.44\%,\;6.27{\pm}4.28\%,\;2.79{\pm}2.27\%$이었고, packing시행한 경우의 $50\%,\;80\%,\;100\%$선량의 volume은 방광이 $40.33{\pm}16.72\%,\;11.63{\pm}8.72\%,\;4.87{\pm}4.75\%$, 직장이 $18.96{\pm}8.37\%,\;4.75{\pm}2.58\%,\;1.58{\pm}1.06\%$이었다. packing시행 후에 $50\%,\;80\%,\;100\%$선량의 volume 방광은 $8.29\%,\;4.49\%,\;2.64\%$, 직장은 $4.45\%,\;1.52\%,\;1.21\%$ 감소하였다. 결론 : 자궁경부암의 강내치료 시 사용하는 packing의 효과를 CT를 이용한 삼차원치료계획을 통하여 알아본 결과 ICRU 38에서 권고하는 방광과 직장의 기준 점선량(reference point dose)의 경우 P값이 각각 0.0781, 0.0781이었고, 최대점선량(maximum point dose)은 P값이 각각 0.0156, 0.0156으로써 유의한 차이를 보이는 것으로 나타났으나 $50\%,\;80\%,\;100\%$를 초과하는 체적선량(volume dose)의 경우 p갈이 0.15이상으로써 유의하지 않은 것으로 나타났다. 다시 말해서 packing의 효과가 점선량의 경우 차이가 있는 것으로 보이지만 실제 체적선량은 별 차이가 없는 것으로 분석되었다. 그 이유를 살펴보니 방광과 직장의 용적(volume)은 넓은데 비해 packing을 하는 부분은 일부분에 지나지 않아서 큰 선량감소의 효과가 없었던 것으로 보인다. 하지만 방사선의 강도는 거리 역 제곱에 비례하므로 거리가 멀면 멀수록 방사선의 강도는 약해진다. 따라서 packing을 실시하여 방광과 직장의 장해를 최소화하는데 노력을 기울여야 할 것이다.

• 한국작물학회지
• /
• 제3권
• /
• pp.89-98
• /
• 1965

대두증산의 중요성에 미추어 대두의 다수계통 선발을 위하여 전년에 공시한 22품종을 재료로 각 형질의 유전력, 각 형질상호간의 유전상관, 그리고 선발지수 등을 재검토하기 위하여 선발시험을 한 바 대체로 전보 전년의 결과와 같다. 1. 유전력 : 유전력을 추정하기 위하여 파종기별로 각 형질의 평균치의 변동을 보면 제1표와 같이 파종기가 지연됨에 따라 형질의 평균치는 감소하고 (Table 1), 형질중에는 환경에 따라 크게 영향을 받는 것도 있으며(Table 2), 각 형질별 유전력을 추정한 바 그 결과는 제3표와 같다. 즉 개화일수ㆍ결실일수ㆍ생육일수 등 생유기간에 관계되는 형질은 그의 유전력이 높고 형태적 특성에 관계되는 형질중에서도 경장 100입중은 높으나 수량에 관여하는 형질 등은 낮았다. 그리고 파종기에 따라서도 변동을 하며 대체로 파종기가 늦어짐에 따라 감소하는 경향이 보인다(Table 3). 2. 유전상관 : 각 형질 상호간의 유전상관ㆍ표현형상관을 알기 위하여 각 형질의 표현형분산과 각 형질 상호간의 표현형공분산ㆍ유전공분산. 그리고 환경공분산을 산출한 바 그 결과는 제4,5표와 같고(Table 4,5), 그들의 유전상관과 표현형상관은 제6표와 같다(Table 6). 대체로 유전사관의 정도는 표현형상관보다높으나 파종기에 따라서도 변동하고 있다. 일주입중 즉 수랴오가 타형질과의 상관을 보면 대체로 전보와 같이 100입중이외의 제형질은 정의 상관을 보이며, 파종기에 따라서도 그 값이 변동을 하나 전보에서는 일주입중과 분지수 사이에 고도의 상관관계가 보였으나, 본실험에 있어서는 상관의 경향이 보였을 따름이다. 그리고 본실험에 있어서는 일주협수와 일주입수간에서 유전상관이 1이상의 이상치를 보였다. 3. 선발지수 : 선발이 최종 대상형질을 일주입중(형질 Y)으로 하여 여기에 어려 형질을 조합한 선발지수(Selection index A)와 최종 대상형질을 수량과 높은 유전상관이 있는 일주협수(형질 Y')로 하여 여기에 여러 형질을 조합한 선발지수(Selection index B)를 Robinson et al.의 방법에 의하여 작성하여 본 바 제7표와 같다(Table 7). 전보의 결과와 같이 대두의 선발에 있어서는 최종 대상형질을 일주입중 대신에 일주협수로써 선발하여도 대차가 없고, 선발대상형질을 4개형질이상인 경우에는 그 효과가 조사와 산출에 요하는 노력에 비하여 크게 기대될 정도가 못된다. 이와 같은 점에서 다수확을 목표로 하는 선발은 탈곡조제 전에 일주협수ㆍ분지수ㆍ경직경 등에 대하여 조사를 하고 선발지수를 산출하여 Selection score가 큰 계통부터 선발하여 가면 될 것으로 믿는다. 그리고 선발을 위한 대상형질로는 생육일수(X$_1$)ㆍ분지수(X$_2$)ㆍ경직경(X$_3$), 그리고 일주협수(X$_4$)의 4개형질 혹은 분지수(X$_2$)ㆍ경직경(X$_3$), 그리고 일주협수(X$_4$)의 3개형질로 할 것이 요망되고, 이들 형질의 측정치로 선발지수를 작성하여 그 지수에서 산출된 Selection score가 큰 계통부터 선발해 나가는 것이 선발지수의 이용상 실용적이고 효과적인 방법이라 하겠다.

• Journal of Chest Surgery
• /
• 제35권6호
• /
• pp.420-429
• /
• 2002

심장수술시 체외순환은 저체온 기법으로 실시되지만 최근의 동향은 정상체온 체외순환 기법을 사용하려는 경향이 늘고 있다. 그러나 심장수술 동안 뇌 대사에 대한 정상 체온 체외순환의 임상적 유용성이나 안전성은 아직 완전히 이해되거나 확립되지 않은 상태이다. 저자들은 심장수술 동안 뇌 대사에 대한 정상 체온 체외순환 기법과 중등도 저체온 체외순환 기법의 영향을 비교 평가하기 위해 전향적 연구를 시행하게 되었다. 대상 및 방법: 36명의 성인 심장수술 환자들은 연구목적에 따라 정상 체온 체외순환군(이하 정상체온군, 비인두 온도＞34.5$^{\circ}C$, n=18)과 중등도 저 체온 체외순환군(이하 저체온군, 비인두 온도 29~3$0^{\circ}C$, n=18)으로 한 뒤 비박동성 체외순환을 실시하였다. 전체 환자들에 대해 중대뇌 동맥 뇌혈류 속도(뇌혈류 속도), 뇌동정맥 산소 함량차, 뇌산소 추출률, 수정 뇌산소 대사율, 뇌산소 운반율, 뇌정맥 산소 불포화도(내경 정맥구 혈액 산소포화도$\leq$50%), 기타 동맥 및 내경 정맥구 혈액의 가스분석 등을 체외순환 전(기준치), 체외순환-10분, 재가온-1기(저체온군의 비인두 온도 34$^{\circ}C$때), 재가온-2기(양 그룹의 비인두 온도 37$^{\circ}C$때), 체외순환 종료 직후, 흉부 피부 봉합기 때 측정하였다. 수술 후 신경학적 합병증 역시 관찰하였으며, 전술한 모든 변수들을 양 그룹간에 비교 분석하였다. 결과： 뇌혈류 속도는 재가온­2 때 저체온군(153.11$\pm$8.98 %)이 정상체온군(131.18$\pm$6.94 %) 보다 유의하게 높았다(p＜0.05). 체외순환 10분 때의 뇌동정맥 산소함량차(3.47$\pm$0.21 vs 4.28$\pm$0.29 mL/dL, p＜0.05), 뇌산소 추출률(0.30$\pm$0.02 vs 0.39$\pm$0.02, p＜0.05), 그리고 뇌산소 대사율(4.71$\pm$0.42 vs 5.36$\pm$0.45, p＜0.05)은 저체온군이 정상체온군 보다 유의하게 낮았다. 뇌산소 운반율은 저체온군이 정상체온군 보다 체외순환 10분(1,527.60$\pm$25.84 vs 1,368.74$\pm$20.03, p＜0.05), 재가온-2기(1,757.50$\pm$32.30 vs 1,478.60$\pm$27.41, p<0.05), 흉부 피부봉합기 때(1,734.37$\pm$41.45 vs 1,597.68$\pm$27.50, p＜0.05) 유의하게 더 높았다. 체외순환 10분 때 내경 정맥구의 산소분압(40.96$\pm$1.16 vs 34.79$\pm$2.18 mmHg, p＜0.05), 산소포화도(72.63$\pm$2.68 vs 64.76$\pm$2.49 %, p＜0.05), 그리고 산소함량(8.08$\pm$0.34 vs 6.78$\pm$0.43 mL/dL, p＜0.05)은 저체온군이 정상체온군 보다 유의하게 더 높았다. 수술 후 신경학적 합병증(섬망) 발생 환자 수는 저체온군이 정상체온군 보다 유의하게 적었고(2 명 vs 4 명, p＜0.05) 섬망증세의 지속시간 역시 저체온군이 정상체온군 보다 훨씬 짧았다(60 시간 vs 160 시간, p＜0.01). 결론: 이상의 연구 결과들을 볼 때 정상 체온 체외순환 기법은 고령환자나 장시간 수술환자에 있어 일상적 방법으로 적용하기에 문제가 있을 것 같으며 중등도 저체온 체외순환이 정상 체온 체외순환보다 뇌대사 및 수술 후 신경학적 결과에 더 바람직 할 것으로 판단된다.

• 한국인구학
• /
• 제11권2호
• /
• pp.54-66
• /
• 1988

I. Introduction Since the 1970's drug abuse among young people has increasingly become a social problem in Korea. In the 1980's, drug abuse, especially glue sniffing, has become the cause of many unfortunated incidents resulting in harm to others as well as the abusers themselves. Taking into consideration of the seriousness of this problem, the Republic of Korea National Red Cross initiated a nation-wide research programme, to understand the present situation and to raise the level of public awareness. The goal of this research was to begin a nation - wide campaign against drug abuse. The research team was composed of the Advisary Committee members and the staff of the Youth Department of the Republic of Korea National Red Cross. The data were collected in February 1988 with the collaboration of the staff and volunteers in the local Chapters. The respondents were allocated nation-wide by the quota sampling method. The questionnaires were distributed to the respondents in three groups :2, 700 to junior and senior high school students, 605 to working youths, and 916 to delinquent youths. A total of 4, 221 questionnaires were collected. II. Characteristics of the Respondents The respondents in each group were selected evenly from rural and urban areas. The general characteristics of the respondents can be described as follow: in case of students, the proportions between male and female respondents, and between senior high school and junior high school students were almost evenly distributed. In case of working youths, the proportion of females (80.5%) was higher than those of the students and the delinquents groups. Delinquent youths were defined as those currently being under custody of the centers for juvenile delinquents. Of this number, 38.8% and 68.2% were junior and senior high school drop-outs respectively. The majority of them (92.6%) were male. As for the family background of the respondents, the proportion of those residing in poverty - stricken areas, and the proportion of those from broken families were higher in case of working youths and delinquent youths than those in case of students. III. Present Patterns of Drug Abuse The following summarizes the presents of drug abuse, as tabulated from the results of the survey. 1. Smoking The percentage of youths who smoke was 36% in the student group, 32% m the working youths group, and 94.4% in the delinquent youths group. 2. Alcohol 50.3% of students, 71.6% of working youths, and 93.3% of delinquent youths has experienced drinking alcohol beverages. 3. Tonic: non - alcoholic, caffeinated beverages popular in Korea and Japan The percentage of those who have used tonic at least once was over 90% in all of the three groups. 4. Sedative About 70% of each group has used sedative with the proportion of working youths use higher than those in other groups. 5. Stimulants Those who have used stimulants comprised around 15% in each group. 6. Tranquilizers Somewhat less than 5% of students and working youths, and 28% of delinquent youths, have used tranquilizers. 7. Hypnotics The users of hypnotics amounted to 0.4% of students, 2.6% of working youths and 7.1% of delinquent youths. 8. Marihuana Those who have used marihuana indicated 0.7% of students, 0.8% of working youths, and 13% of delinquent youths. 9. Glue-sniffing The percentage of glue-sniffing was 3.7%, 5% in the students group and in the youths group respectively, but the proportion was unusually high, at 40.7% in the delinquent youths group. From the results of the survey the present situation of drug abuse in Korea can be summarized as follows: 1. A high percentage of Korean youths have experienced smoking cigarettes and drinking alcoholic beverages. 2. Tonics (non - alcoholic, caffeinated beverages), antipyretic analgesics and stimulants quite regularly used. 3. Tranquilizers, hypnotics, marihuana and glue-sniffing are more widely used among delinquent youths than the other youths. From this fact, there exists a correlation between drug abuse and juvenile delinquency. IV. Time-series Analysis of the First Experience of Drug Abuse and Deviant Behaviour The respoundents were asked when they were first exposed to drugs and when they committed deviant acts. By calculating the average age of each experience, the following pattern was found (See Figure 1). Youths are first exposed to drugs by abuse of tonic(non - alcoholic, caffeinated beverages). At the age of 13, they amoke cigarettes, the use of antipyretic analgesics begins at 14 year old, while at the age of 15, they use tranquilizers, and at 16 hynotics. The period of drug abuse which starts from drinking caffeinated beverages and smoking cigarettes and ends in the use of hypnotics takes about three years. During this period, other delinquent behaviours begin to surface, that is, at the age of 13 when smoking cigarettes begins, the delinquent behaviour pattern starts with truancy. Next, they start taking money from others by using physical force. Prior to the age of 15, they are suspended from school, become hostile to adults, begin running away from home, and start using stimulants and alcohol. Soon they become involved even in glue-sniffing and in the use of marihuana. At the age of 15, they begin to see adult videos and carry weapons. Sexual promiscuity and usage of tranquilizers follows the viewing of adult videos. Consequently, by the time they reach the age of 16, they visit drinking establishments, and are picked up by police for committing delinquent acts. And finally, they come to use hypnotic - type drugs. From the above descriptions, drug abuse can be assumed to have a close correlation with delinquent behaviour. V. Social Factors Related to Drug Abuse As for the Korean youths, glue-sniffing is found to he related to aggressive delinquency, in such cases as run - aways, being picked up by the police, and taking money by force. Smoking cigarettes and drinking alcohol is found to be related to seeing adult videos and visiting drinking establishments. Hypnotics and marihuana were found to be representive of drugs which are related to degenerational delinquency, irrespective of social delinquency. The social factors connected with these drug abuse are as follows: 1. Individual factors Male students were more heavily involved in the usage of drug than females. Youths who do not attend church were more likely to be involved in drugs than those who attend. 2. Family factors The youths who were displeased with their mothers smoking and those who thought their parents did not love each other, or those whose parents had used drugs without prescription, were more likely to he drug users. 3. School factors Those youths who found school life boring, were unsuccessful in their studies, spend most of their time with friends, feel their teachers smoke too much, those who had a positive perception of their teachers smoking were likely to he drug users. To sum up, drug abusers depend on the influence of their parents, teachers and peers. IV. Reasons for Drug Abuse Korean students have mainly used drugs to release stress (42.8%), to stay awake (19.7%), and because of the easy accessibility of drugs( 16.6%). Other reasons are due to their ignorance of the side effects of the drugs (3.6%), natural curiosity (4.2%), and to increase strength(3.O%). From the above facts, the major reasons for drug abuse among Korean youths are to release stress and to stay awake in order to prepare exams. Furthermore, since drugs are readily available, we can conclude that drug abuse is caused by the school system(such as entrance exams) in Korea. VII. Conclusion Drug usage among Korean youths are relatively less common than those of western youths. In some cases, such as, glue-sniffing and use of stimulants, the pattern of drug abuse is found. Moreover, early drug abuse is evident, and it has a close connection with deviant behaviour, resulting in juvenile delinquency. Drug abuse cannot be attributed to any one social factor. Specifically, drug abuse depends on parents, peers, teachers and other members of the community, and also is influenced by social institutions such as the entrance exam system. Every person and organization concerned with youth must participate collectively in restraining drug abuse. Finally, it is suggested that social agencial working for youth welfare should make every effort to tackle this serious problem confronted by the Korean youths today.

• Asia Marketing Journal
• /
• 제14권2호
• /
• pp.65-96
• /
• 2012

루머는 신뢰할 만한 타당한 근거나 이유가 없음에도 불구하고 광범위하게 이야기되는 일상적인 대화나 의견으로서 오랜기간 소비자 개개인의 사적 영역의 문제였다. 그러나 대중의 사랑과 주목을 받는 기업이나 브랜드는 선천적으로 소비자의 관심으로부터 멀어질 수 없으며, 항상 루머의 주요한 소재가 되어 왔다. 그 결과 현대의 소비자 커뮤니케이션 환경에서 루머는 기업 경영활동에 중요한 위기 요인이 되고 있다. 기업과 브랜드들이 당면하는 소비자 루머들은 크게 기업과 관련된 음모성 루머와 상품과 직접적 관련이 있는 오염성 루머로 나누어지며 국내외에서 많은 위기 사례들이 발견되고 있다. 심지어 P&G, SK, 현대, 삼성처럼 잘 정비된 홍보 조직을 갖춘 굴지의 대기업들조차 이런 루머로부터 자유롭지 못하며, 기존의 대응방식 역시 적절하지 못했던 것이 사실이다. 부정적 루머가 주목받아야 하는 이유는 해당 기업의 매출 및 점유율 하락은 물론 주식 가격에도 부정적인 영향을 미치며 오랜기간 구축해온 소비자와의 관계마저 황폐화시킬 가능성이 있기 때문이다. 최근 인터넷, 소셜 네트워크 서비스의 확산과 더불어 브랜드와 관련된 루머의 중요성은 더욱 증대하고 있으나 루머 연구는 지금까지 기업이나 마케팅 연구자의 정당한 주목을 받지 못하였다. 이에 본 연구는 루머의 다각적인 측면을 고려하는 상황주의자적 연구 패러다임을 기반으로 지각된 유용성, 원천 신뢰성, 메시지 신뢰성, 걱정, 생동감과 같은 루머와 관련된 속성들이 루머 수용강도와 루머 구전의도에 미치는 영향을 분석하였다. 이를 위하여 가상 브랜드와 루머가 제시되었으며, 실증조사를 통한 데이터 수집과 분석이 이루어졌다. 연구 결과에 따르면 원천 신뢰성, 메시지 신뢰성, 걱정, 생동감 같은 루머 특성 변수들은 루머 수용 강도에 유의한 영향을 미치고, 루머 수용강도는 루머 구전의도에 유의한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 반면에 지각된 중요성은 루머 수용강도에 유의한 영향을 미치지 못하며, 상품 관여도의 조절효과 역시 유의하지 않은 것으로 나타났다. 본 연구는 주요한 실무적, 학문적 시사점을 제공하고 있다. 첫째, 루머를 자연발생적인 사회 현상이 아니라 소비자의 주요 활동의 일부이며, 마케터의 관심과 대응 커뮤니케이션 전략이 필요한 브랜드 관련 현상임을 주장하였다. 둘째, 브랜드 루머의 심리적, 사회적인 다차원적 구성 요인과 확산되는 경로를 제시함으로서 루머에 대한 능동적인 관리 가능성을 제시하였다. 셋째, 온라인상의 루머 활동이 기업 성과에 미치는 영향을 제시함으로서 기업들의 적극적인 온라인 커뮤니케이션 활동과 평판 관리의 필요성을 주장하였다. 넷째, 소비자의 걱정과 같은 부정적 정서가 루머의 온상이 되고 있음을 규명함으로서 소비자의 의혹을 불식시키기 위하여 정확하고 진실된 정보를 제공해야 함을 주장하였다. 다섯째, 루머의 유용성이 확산에 미치는 영향 가설이 기각되었으며, 상품 관여도의 조절 효과 역시 기각되었다. 이는 루머를 접하는 소비자의 입장에서 볼 때, 루머 자체가 무의미하더라도 단순한 재미나 호기심만으로도 얼마든지 확산될 가능성을 암시하고 있다. 일부 기업들은 사실이 아니라는 이유만으로 루머를 무시하거나 간과하는 경우들이 있으나, 기업의 예상과 다르게 루머가 얼마든지 확산될 수 있는 가능성을 보여주며, 기업의 보다 세심한 대응 전략의 필요성을 요구하고 있다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
• /
• 제20권4호
• /
• pp.211-250
• /
• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
• /
• 제10권
• /
• pp.1-40
• /
• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.