• Title/Summary/Keyword: direct democracy

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A Social Economic Comparative Study on Appearance Background of Design -for Native Settlement of Design in Korea - (우리 나라 디자인 도입에 관한 사회경제사적 고찰 - 디자인의 한국적 개념의 정착을 위한 시론 -)

  • 이인자
    • Archives of design research
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    • v.11
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    • pp.130-139
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    • 1995
  • The dictionary defines the word 'Design' as planning and designing. Though this is a meaning confined to decorative function, the conception of modern design in this capitalist society of mass production and mass consumption can be said to have reached a new stage of the meeting of industry and the arts. This means the two sides of design' the side of beauty and usefulness The side of beauty should be understood in view of the sense of beauty, and usefulness should also be considered from the viewpoint of consumer's taste and preference This is thought to be the natural problems of design The origin of design can be understood from the background of capitalism. But the capitalism can be said to be the mode of Western thought and action developed based on Western thinking. The capitalism is an economic system derived from the society of industrial capitalism through commercial capitalism. but this economic thinking has been resulted from a mature social system of democracy and civic society. The civic society and democracy are derived from polis of ancient Greece and Rome. and the ancient Greek and Roman society was a society developed from the social system of the nobility and slaves. Polis continued to develop based on the positive territorial expansionism centering around the Mediterranean on the basis of Hellenism. and European countries achieved the intergration of religion. society and politics based on this. thus accomplishing the spirit of capitalism Our design is believed to have been derived from the direct import of Western capitalism. Accordingly. as the original form of Western capitalism has become our economic system. so our design copied that of th West. And our traditional culture and sensitivity which are different in the original form and root of racial disposition seem to breed discord between them. It is. therefore. very important and meaningful for us to exert all possible efforts to seek the root of our disposition and tradition and grope for the appropriate thought and style of design.

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Continuity and Change in Korean Welfare Regime ; After 1990 (한국 사회복지정책의 변화와 지속;1990년 이후를 중심으로)

  • Hong, Kyung-Zoon;Song, Ho-Keun
    • Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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    • v.55
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    • pp.205-230
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    • 2003
  • This article examines the continuity and change of Korean welfare regime during 1990s. Democracy, globalization and the financial crisis changed the landscape of Korean society as a whole and provided a catalyst for the change of the Korean welfare regime. In order to show how and what changed in Korean welfare regime, this study concentrates on the transformations of income maintenance programmes and social welfare services. The changed aspects are as follow: (1) The ratio of social expenditure to GDP has increased during 1990s and now stood at ten percent level. (2)Rather than backing up the company welfare, government strove to build and expand income maintenance devices for all citizens. (3) The poverty and inequality reduction effects of income maintenance programs are very weak in early 1990s, but they are gradually getting stronger impact on poverty and inequality. But, there are also continuance. (1) In spite of the relative development of income maintenance programs, social welfare services are still poorly designed as before. (2) The expenditure level of social welfare services shows sharp contrast to income maintenance programs and lagged behind the other OECD countries. (3) The expansion of social service sector employment are also not so salient. In 2002, social service employment is only at close to 2.5 per cent of the total employment. Accordingly, korean welfare regime is now characterized by a model which is to curb poverty and inequality by engaging in direct government provision of income maintenance programs, but refrain from expanding social service by relying on net welfare which encourage the provision of services within the family. A implication of our analysis is that the expansion of social welfare Korea saw after 1997 was not really an regime shift. According to the arguments of Peter Hall, first and second order changes in policy do not automatically lead to third order changes which imply regime shift. Policy changes which occurred during 1990s was not accompanied by a shift in policy paradigms. Family dependency in welfare is not yet changed.

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Challenges and Prospects of the Citizen Media Movement in the Lee-Park Regime (한국 시민언론운동의 특성과 전망 이명박·박근혜 정권시기를 중심으로)

  • Chung, Yeonwoo
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.81
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    • pp.122-152
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    • 2017
  • The media movement is a movement to separate from the political power and to dismantle the media power and to seek the control of citizens' media. Political power is the biggest factor that violates the fairness and independence of the media in the public domain. On the other hand, the factor that interferes with the healthy and responsible media of the press in the private sector is the media power originating from the owner. Citizens 'media campaign emphasizes citizens' mobility as a subject that monitors the political power and media power that have the sovereignty of the media belonging to the citizen and may infringe on this sovereignty.In the Lee Myung Bak - Park Geun Hye regime, the civil press movement was a period of resistance and struggle. Citizen media campaigns have completely collapsed with governance. As a result, the intellectuals who have expertise in the media have lost their place in the discussion and presentation of the policy alternatives in which the policy production is centered. The influence of citizen media organizations, which are centered on activists rather than citizen's direct action, is limited. In order to strengthen the power of the media reform, it is necessary to reconstruct social forces such as civil society, media unions, media organizations and political forces. We should also look for various ways in which citizens can participate actively in the agenda and activities of the movement. In addition, it is necessary to expand the movement of the media.

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Type of Political Influences of UCC (UCC의 정치적 영향 유형)

  • Jang, Seong-Ho
    • The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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    • v.10 no.3
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    • pp.294-300
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    • 2010
  • With the development of media technology, UCC actively working through the medium of the Net, the Internet space, which can influence politics instead of TV is drawing attention as the new leading media. As the one-sided media influence of TV is dwindling in the times of the Internet, the hegemony of the media is rapidly changing into UCC marked by two-way interaction. Especially, UCC has the characteristic that it has changed the people performing a role as the receptor of the media into the agent of enormous political influence as well as the freshness specific to its contents. This study was intended to investigate the types of diverse political influences of UCC in political practice as well as daily politics with a focus on the fact that it can newly project the world led by the media and their changes and exercise strong power in changing the society. Therefore, it attempted to investigate the political influence and ripple effect that UCC can exert by attempting to analyze what political influence UCC can exercise at diverse political situations including election. As a result, UCC led to four situations such as incentive-exploding type, issue-leading type, dispersion-switching type, direction-obeying type. This can be said to lead to the positive effect at the political field, such as implementing direct democracy through digital technology.

A Study on the factors of Change in the Korean Dress and Personal Adornments (우리나라 여성복식의 변화에 미친 요인 연구 - 1945~1960년을 중심으로 -)

  • 박길순
    • The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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    • v.1 no.1
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    • pp.33-68
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    • 1993
  • The purpose of this paper is to survey the influence of the culture change on the dress and personal adornments, and to survey the change of factors from the August 15. 1945 to 1960, in connection with the social and cultural background, applying B. Malinowski′s "Theory of Culture Change" which means an acculturation is the change′s elements of the dress and its ornaments. It is remarkable that the dress and personal adornments of Korean women after August 15, 1945 has great change from the traditional dress of the thousands years. Through the Liveration on August 15, 1945, American military government and the establishment of the Korean government, American democracy has brought many changes on Korean society. Advancement of education, an society with developed economic life, and introduction of scientific skill have influenced on the women′s way of thinking and a style of behavior and the view of value. The acculturation, the supply of mass communication, introduction of new institution and the reorganization of the old institution, the change of the economic situation, the change of the educational system, the change of the point of value, the development of scientific skill have greatly influenced on the dress and personal adornments. Modern dress and personal adornments of Korean women has the following developing procedure. The Liberation from Japan on the 15th, of August, 1945, the stationing of American Soldiers during hte Koran War, returning of the oversea′s brethern, and the mass communication have the direct and indirect contact with western civilization, and bring the occasion of development of the modern dress of Korean women. The increase of mass communication, such as radio, TV, newspaper, magazines and the frequent fashion shows showed fine design and practical western style dress to the women. This was the real beginning of the western style dress in Korea. By the increase of employment and the improvement of the economic situation, the consumption of clothing and the adornments was increased, so that a wide variety of fashions was set, and numerous kind and form of dress came in. As the increase of the number of women students, their practical and free dress life demanded western style dress. After the Liberation from Japan, the open-door policy of sex, public morals and traditional ethics became lax, and in this disordered society, indecent expose of the body was common. By the different kind of technological development, the form, fabrics, colors and patterns in clothes were much influenced and the hair style, make up, shoes and adornments were much influenced too. As shown above, the change of the dress has the same connection with that of society and culture. This shows that the dress and personal adornments represent clearly the cultural phenomenon of the society and cultural change of the society.

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The Meaning of History in the May 18th Democratic Uprising Related Photographic Portraits Focusing on the Premordial Associations ('5·18민중항쟁' 관련 초상사진과 역사적 의미 근원연상을 중심으로)

  • Kim, Kyum-Nyeo
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.71
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    • pp.75-115
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    • 2015
  • This study is to describe the meaning of associations at $5{\cdot}18$-related photographic portrait phenomenologically. Referent in the photography arouses different and unique type of associations. Moreover, it appears differently emotional experience by the associations. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to describe types of associations and emotional experience about referents gained through $5{\cdot}18$ photography and to construct the meaning. It is based on concepts of primordial associations discussing in the phenomenology but this study was described the meaning of $5{\cdot}18$ the May 18th democratic uprising focusing on types of associations and meanings derived by direct experience from photography. According to this result, the viewpoint of $5{\cdot}18$ Democracy Movement approaches from objective academic system or cannot be withdrew as dynamics of the political ideology. It is that the fundamental and impulsive emotions from each individual who participated in the movement are affected. The fundament of the May 18th democratic uprising is based on their basis of life and the will to primitive power of a love & affective community.

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E-Governance Practices in Developing Countries. Its Benefits and Challenges. -The Case of Pakistan- (개발도상국의 전자정부 시행에 따른 장점과 문제 -파키스탄 중심으로-)

  • Aftab, Muhammad
    • Industry Promotion Research
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    • v.4 no.1
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    • pp.79-86
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    • 2019
  • The quality of service delivery by governments to their citizens is a subject of concern in the contemporary society. E-governance is a critical aspect that is transforming government operation and service delivery to citizens and other bodies through application of information technology. This research explores the state of e-governing focusing on nations that are developing with special attention to Pakistan. The difficulties and benefits encountered are identified. The results are vital for implementers of e-governing systems in these countries. The methodology applied entails a secondary research that involves analysis and synthesis of literature relating the research topic. The results reveal that Pakistan has made incredible steps in setting up e-governance systems with growth in internet use and access of data from a digital platform. The findings reveal that e-government is associated with multiple benefits including enhanced quality of services, cost efficiency in service provision, enhance transparency and elimination of corruption, provide the basis for eradication of poverty, boost economic stability of a country, and provide room for direct democracy. The research also found that developing countries experience challenges in form of financial constraints, poor ICT infrastructure, illiteracy on e-government, political consensus constraints, legal obstacles, social and cultural constraints. E-government has the capability to transform the quality of governance provided by governments, and policymakers and implementers should address the constraints that act as a hindrance to its implementation.

Local Autonomy, National Economy and Local Public Finance (지방자치(地方自治)와 국민경제(國民經濟) 및 지방재정(地方財政))

  • Lee, Kye-sik
    • KDI Journal of Economic Policy
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    • v.13 no.2
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    • pp.41-67
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    • 1991
  • Local autonomy of Korea's lower-level local council has been reinstated following elections last March for the first time in thirty years. Last June, we had elections for the upper-level local council. Mayors, governors, and administrative chiefs of cities, provinces and other local government bodies are slated for elections in the first half of next year. The impacts of local autonomy are taking effect in not only the political sphere, but also the administrative and economic spheres. In fact, it seems that some modification of all economic policy making and administration is inevitable. Since the initiation of local autonomy, in order to make the economy work more efficiently, it has become quite important to examine the impact of local autonomy on the national economy. The areas of local autonomy include independent legislative power, administrative power, organizational power, and most important of all, the independent public financial power of the local governments. The purpose of this paper is to examine the effects of local autonomy on the national economy and ways of enhancing the role of local public finance to facilitate settlement and development of the local autonomy system. Local autonomy will contribute to the continuous growth of our economy, allow balanced development, and generate greater efficiency. However, local autonomy can also incur economic costs causing at times short-term price instability, inefficient resource allocation, through tax competition and tax exporting, and insolvency of local government due to abusive fiscal operation. To reduce these side effects, different alternatives must be considered. Local autonomy systems generally provide more efficient resource allocation than centralization. But in the model used in Chapter 3 of this paper, the relative efficiencies of both local autonomy and centralization are determined by comparing the elasticity of substitution between national public goods and local public goods. If the elasticity of substitution is bigger than one, centralization provides a more efficient resource allocation. The development of local autonomy could be attained through democratization of the local public finance system including the following three propositions. I) The independence of public financial power of local governments should be established over central government. Furthermore, a democratically operated scheme of intergovernmental fiscal coordination is especially necessary. 2) In the operation of local finance, direct democracy is needed to induce the voluntary participation of local residents. The residents can take part in planning both the local budget and the development of the community. To attain this goal, all the results of local finance operations should be made public. 3) Among economic ill-effects of the local autonomy system, the most serious one is the possibility of insolvency of local governments. Therefore, measures to limit abusive spending by the local governments should be introduced, such as the fiscal restraints system adopted in the United States.

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The Government Organization Act and the Desirable Government Structure in the 21st Century (21세기 바람직한 정부조직과 정부조직법)

  • Sung, Nak-In
    • Journal of Legislation Research
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    • no.44
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    • pp.241-281
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    • 2013
  • First and foremost, a discussion concerning government structure has to be done in connection with the state form and the governmental form. For practical reasons, there is a need to balance the principle of legality and its exceptions under the Government Organization Act. To ensure the flexibility of government structure with respect to the principle of legality, the National Assembly should accept the government structure requested by the newly elected government. This mitigates the rigidity of the principle of the legality within the government organizations. However, excessive changes by each government could violate the principle of legality asked by Constitution. In this sense, arbitrary modification with respect to the government structure by the newly elected government is not desirable. The long term stability of the government organization is required in any case. Secondly, general administrative agencies, other than Executive Ministries, should not be established under the direct order of the President without the control of the Prime Minister. A hierarchy of the executive branch (President->Prime Minister-> Executive Ministries) is stipulated in the Constitution. Establishing a hierarchy of President -> executive institution should be considered unconstitutional. Therefore, only the Presidential Secretariat and institutions with special functions can be established in the Presidential Office. Establishing general administrative agencies in the Presidential Office for convenience purposes is against the spirit of the current Constitution. Consequently, only the office of staffs and special agencies can be placed in the presidential office. It is against the spirit of the current Constitution to found administrative agencies under the presidential office for convenience. Thirdly, the office of the Prime Minister should be the backbone of internal affairs. In that sense, the President, as the head of state, should focus on the big picture such as the direction of the State, while the Cabinet headed by the Prime Minister should be responsible for the daily affairs of the State. The cabinet surrounding the Prime Minister must control all the ordinary affairs of the State, while the President, as the head of the State, should focus on the big picture of blueprinting the aim of the State. Lastly, the Office of the Prime Minister and Executive Ministries are the two main bodies of the executive branch. It is important to reduce the confusion caused by repeated changes in the names of Executive Ministries, to restore the traditional names and authorities of these institutions, and to rehabilitate the legitimacy of the State. For the Korean democracy to take its roots, a systematic way of stabilizing a law-governed democratic country is needed. There is also the need not only to reform security and economic agencies, but also to rationally solve the integration of technique and policy, according to the changes of time.