• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.111-133
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• 2021

In 1882, after the French defeated Tonkin for the second time, the Nguyen Dynasty led by King Tự Đức 嗣德 appointed Phạm Thận Duật 范慎遹 and Nguyễn Thuật 阮述 as envoys to the Qing Dynasty to seek the Chinese's help to deal with the French invasion. The trip's information from 1883 such as the schedule, the content, the discussion, and the progress was specifically reflected in the two envoys' diaries, including "Notes of Voyage to Qing Dynasty in The First Year of Jianfu" 建福元年如清日程 (Phạm Thận Duật and Nguyễn Thuật), "Notes of Voyage to Tianjin" 往津日记(Nguyễn Thuật). This article presents the origin of these documents and their historical values in order to provide insights into the study of diplomatic relations between the Nguyen Dynasty and the Qing Dynasty in the late 19th century through the 1883 mission.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.7-34
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• 2018

Finding distinguishing characteristics of Southeast Asia has proven to be a significant challenge: by focusing on the encounters which primarily colonial British writers had with the region's state rulers, it becomes possible to recover the early conceptualizations of regional governance. The writings of Henry Yule, Anna Leonowens, Sir George Scott, and Hugh Clifford all document the "orientalist" features of Western discourses because these writers at once were affected by it as they contributed to it. The discourse about royalty and rulers was central to many of the tropes associated with orientalism, but also with 'ornamentalism'. David Cannadine has shown that ornamentalism (in which British conceptualized many imperial practices in relation to their own hierarchical conceptions of society) was as critical a feature of imperial outlook as was orientalism. The need to understand ruling elites was at the heart of the imperialist project. Tracing the ways in which colonizing powers represented the region's ruling elite offers a new avenue for recognizing the affinities of the regional experience. Beyond orientalism, the paper explores questions about the representation and presentation of authority. Understanding the conceptualizations of rulers is connected to the comprehension of social organization-including representations of "traditional society."

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.93-116
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• 2018

Under feudalism, besides imploring investiture, tribute is said to be one of the two most typical activities at the core of diplomatic relations between China and the region, in particular, Vietnam and Japan. By using the comparative method and interdisciplinary approach, the author shows that there are many differences between Vietnam and Japan with regards to tribute activity with China during the feudal period. For example, the start and end of China's tributary activities with Vietnam and Japan are not the same. The period of Japanese tributary activity was much more loosened than Vietnam. Vietnamese tributary relation was political, while Japan placed economic benefits as the main priority. In particular, the author also proved that although Japan and China had differences in behavior and level of dependence on the tributary activity of Vietnam, both Vietnam and Japan maintained independence and autonomy. Based on the historical, cultural, and geographical characteristics, as well as the position and force correlation of each country in relation to China, this article also explains the causes of these similarities and differences.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.91-128
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• 2023

In recent decades, Indonesia and the Middle Eastern countries have increased and expanded their political, security, economic, and socio-cultural ties. Qatar is one of the Middle Eastern countries which have fortified ties with Indonesia. This article aims to analyze the nature and scope of Indonesia-Qatar relations through the five-dimensional framework developed by George Eberling, which consists of political-diplomatic, economic-trade, military-security, cultural, and petroleum-energy relations (Eberling 2017). Despite being significantly distinct in history, demography, geographic size, and location, Jakarta and Doha have been provided opportunities to expand their cooperation on multifaceted dimensions by way of common economic, geopolitical, and cultural interests. Throughout the paper, the primary drivers of the cooperation are also discussed, alongside its future prospects.

• East Asian Economic Review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.89-114
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• 2023

This paper empirically examines how controlling strategic goods affects productivity by focusing on Korean industries from 2015 to 2019. We hypothesize that strategic goods control positively affects productivity because it promotes international trade by making up for market failures, building up national credibility, and stabilizing market environment; in turn, international trade contributes to productivity growth. The regression results are congruent with our hypothesis. The effects of strategic goods control on productivity were positive and statistically significant in general. These positive effects were more prominent in the group of industries that include strategic goods and, thus, are technologically intensive. The results also support that international trade is a key medium for the effects of strategic goods control on productivity. Consequently, our empirical results support government policy on strategic goods control, ensuring that strategic goods control can contribute to economic growth by reducing diplomatic friction and stabilizing the global market.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.9 no.2
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• pp.145-164
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• 2017

In the 21^st century, the growing use of information and communication technologies (ICTs) and social media platforms has influenced our way of life, including international diplomacy. With the use of new interactive communication technologies such as WhatsApp, Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, video sharing website, blogs, and other social media networks, digital diplomacy has become an active diplomatic mode in modern society and plays an increasing important role in international relations. Although Indonesia has gradually realized the pivotal role of internet diplomacy and recently put it into practice, it is still lagging far behind. This paper will examine how Indonesia conducts its diplomacy in the new era of digital world. How far and in what ways does the Indonesian government make use of digital technology to conduct its diplomacy? What opportunities and challenges are confronted to develop digital diplomacy? How does it navigate diplomacy in the digital age? Unless Indonesia embraces new channels and methods of diplomacy, its foreign policy implementation may not run optimally to support its aim of attaining its objectives in the international stage.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.54
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• pp.111-150
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• 2017

This paper examines the current situation of sources on Korean Class B and C war criminals attached as civilians to the Japanese military during the Asian Pacific War charged with cruelly treating Allied POWs in Japanese POW camps, and also explores the possibility of a joint Korean-Japanese archive of these sources. The Japanese government agreed to the judgement of war crimes by accepting the terms of the Potsdam Declaration, and the Allied troops carried out the judgement of Class B and C war crimes in each region of Asia and the International Military Tribunal for the Far East (also known as the Tokyo Trials). However, many non-Japanese such as Koreans and Taiwanese from the Japanese colonies were prosecuted for war crimes. The issues of reparations and restoring their reputations were ignored by both the Korean and Japanese governments, and public access to their records restricted. Most records on Korean Class B and C war criminals were transferred from each ministry to the National Archives of Japan. The majority are copies of the judgements of war crimes by the Allied nations or records prepared for the erasure of Japanese war crimes after each department operated independently of the Japanese government. In the case of the Diplomatic Archives of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, such records focused mostly on their war crimes and the transfer of B and C war criminals within Japan and the diplomatic situation. In the case of Korea and Taiwan, these records were related to the negotiations on the repatriation of Class B and C war criminals. In addition, the purpose of founding of the Japan Center for Asian Historical Records and its activities demonstrate its tremendous utility as a facility for building a joint Korea-Japan colonial archive. Thus, the current flaws of the Japan Center for Asian Historical Records should be improved on in order to build a such a joint archive in the future.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.14 no.6_1
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• pp.129-138
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• 2014

South Korea should correspond to the primary threat to North Korea's nuclear weapons. It is necessary to have countermeasures to solve the realistic problems of North Korea's nuclear weapons. We can intensify military pact between the United States and Korea and at the same time strengthening the current military power. Currently, we take note the threat North Korea's missile. We can not control the development of a nuclear weapon and there are possibilities that North Korea have successfully miniaturized nuclear enough to carry by the missile. We should overview and check the Korea's missile defenses system. While the direction of the overall missile defense system deployment with a focus on lower and upper air defense network. And discuss defense research should be to build a system that can be protected with a key strategic facilities and cities. While North Korea have nuclear weapon, the main issues related to North Korea's nuclear threat. The six party talks countries try to solve the problem by the international and diplomatic approach. At the same time we should make somewhat to defend measures such as military defenses of Kill chain system to protect our country. Kill Chain is on of the effective defense system. We know that North Korea do not abandon to develop nuclear weapons by diplomatic efforts. We should performed in fact by a variety of military suppression method.

• Convergence Security Journal
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• v.18 no.3
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• pp.113-122
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• 2018

The issue of security on the Korean peninsula is facing the greatest upheaval in 2018 with the inter-Korean summit and the US-North Korea summit. North Korea has pursued the parallel policy developing military and economic at the same time. However, North Korea is changing its route to give up nuclear weapons and focus on the economy through summit talks. Since the change in North Korea is similar to that of Libya in the past, it is necessary to analyze why North Korea is trying to abandon its nuclear program and how the process is flowing compared to the case of Libya. The Libya model was constructed and analyzed in terms of international and domestic perpectives and recognition of the situation by leadership. North Korea's nuclear policy was evaluated based on the Libya model. The nuclear development of Libya and North Korea has caused diplomatic and economic pressures from the international community and ultimately led to instability of the regime. Two countries have tried to abandon nuclear program in order to solve the instability of the regime, also gain the economic reward insead. Libya took economic benefits and secured some of the stability of the regime, but the regime collapsed under the wave of democracy due to the influx of foreign capital and ideas. North Korea will seek diplomatic and economic gains with the example of Libya, but will try to limit as much as possible the culture of democracy and the full opening that can be incidental.

• Iberoamérica
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• v.23 no.2
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• pp.93-134
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• 2021

With the inauguration of the Bolsonaro administration in 2019, Brazil experienced a noticeable transformation in its policy lines at home and abroad. Limiting this change to diplomacy, it can be pointed out that pro-U.S. and anti-China diplomacy, which is clearly distinguished from the previous regimes, has begun in earnest. Nevertheless, the existing literature on this topic is limited, and it is mainly poetic reporting through the media. This paper aims to derive the main determinant of Bolsonaru's pro-U.S. and anti-China diplomatic lines by postulating the individual level of the political leader as a key variable. This study argues that his personal experience and beliefs and world views formed by his life history, and Bolsonaro's political calculation that would strengthen his domestic political support through linking between his domestic politics and diplomatic lines, ultimately influenced the dependent variable. This study is thought to be meaningful in that it enhanced the theoretical implications of not only the theory of foreign policy determinants but also the understanding of Brazil's foreign policy by explaining the factors of Brazil's pro-U.S. and anti-China diplomacy through focusing on an individual level.