• 의정연구
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.5-38
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• 2018

문재인 정부 출범 후 한반도 외교지형에는 지각변동이 진행되고 있다. 무엇보다도 교착 상태에 빠져 있던 북핵 문제 해결, 그리고 한반도의 적대 상태 종식을 향한 새로운 동력이 생성되고 있다. 이러한 거대한 변화가 진행되고 있는데는 '운전자론'으로 표현되는 문재인 정부의 창의적인 외교정책에 힘입은 바가 크다. 하지만 문재인 정부의 외교정책은 과거 보수정권의 외교정책과의 연속성 또한 보이고 있다. 문재인 정부는 한미동맹의 중요성을 지속적으로 강조하면서 북핵문제 등의 해결에 있어 미국과의 굳건한 공조체제를 유지할 것임을공개적으로 천명하고 있다는 점에서 특히 그러하다. 사실 외교정책의 연속성 유지는 국내적 합의 기반 구축, 대외적 신뢰 제고, 기대-현실 간극의 부작용 완화 등에 기여할 수 있다는 점에서 긍정적인 효과를 수반할 것으로 기대된다.

• Strategy21
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• 통권30호
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• pp.236-262
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• 2012

Morgenthau claims that in international relations, there are the economic, political, and military powers that enable a nation to achieve its political and diplomatic goals. This paper explores the possibility of resolving international conflicts with naval power. First, the theoretical and historical perspective, naval power was used as a final resort to force a nation's political or diplomatic objective on an enemy nation when negotiations failed, and this was done through the physical and psychological destruction of the enemy by naval power. But as the use of military power has decreased because of the invention of the nuclear weapon, the existence of a large and capable navy deterrent has become one of the most useful military options among a nation's diplomatic measures. In other words, he focused on the political usefulness of naval power as a deterrent and coercive diplomatic tool for persuading other nations to acquiesce, rather than using naval power and actual military action as a final resort. The reason for this is that compared to army and air force, navy's flexibility, continuity, and the ability to deter are greater. The navy provides excellent accessibility through its wide mobility on the sea, and it has been shown through research that the navy possesses a political usefulness that facilitates the solution of conflicts through presence, naval intervention, and naval blockade. On the other hand, among the factors that could improve the influence of the navy are alliance relations, a reliable and powerful navy, carrots and sticks that it would have to deal with in the case of successful or unsuccessful negotiations, and support from international opinion. On this paper I introduce E.N.Luttwak's naval suasion theory. By the his theory, there are two mode of naval suasion. One is latent naval suasion the other is active suasion. Latent suasion there are deterrent mode and supportive mode. Active naval suasion there are coercive mode and supportive mode. Coercive mode has positive and negative. The limitations of naval suasion have been identified as follows. First, because the objective of the use of naval power is persuading enemy nations, the results are unpredictable. Second, the leaders of all countries possess limited understanding on the complexities of naval power and therefore lack understanding of the usefulness of naval power when choosing options. Third, in case of failure through naval suasion, prestige and reputation of a nation can be damaged. Finally, the following are additional possible research topic. First, a research on the decision making process of choosing naval power as a measure to resolve conflicts is needed. Lastly, research on the size of the navy and types of ships required for efficient naval suasion is needed. Today's world requires cooperative security regime so that middle class navy also requires political use of naval power in solving international conflicts. Therefore, additional research on this topic is needed.

• 한국시스템다이내믹스연구
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.5-31
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• 2000

The summit meeting of the South North Korean leaders was a turning point in the relationships between the two countries. It was followed by the Red-Cross Meeting, Minister-Level Meeting, economic agreements, which have increased the relationship more colorful in both quantities and qualities. However, the half-century period for separation was too long to overcome all the problems by only one event. The two countries have quite different social systems; one politically strong person is governing the North, while many interest groups are involved in political decision making processes in the South. In short, it would take a long time to settle down all the problems residing between the two countries. A system dynamics model is developed to describe the long term dynamics of the relations between the South and North Koreas. As a first attempt, the model focuses only on the diplomatic meeting issues between the South and North. The model aggregates diplomatic issues into 5 categories; economic issues, security issues, infrastructure, cultural issues, and past problems. It assumes that there would not be any dramatic changes between the two countries. It is a conceptual model composed of around 200 variables, and should not be used as a forecast tool. However, it captures most of the logics discussed in the papers and conferences concerning the South and North Korea relations. Many sensitivity studies and Monte Carlo simulations have shown that the simulation results matches with mental models of experts; that is the model can be used as a learning tool or as a secondary opinion until the data required by the model is collected. In order to analyze the current situation, five scenarios are simulated and analyzed; the functional approach, the conditional approach, the balanced approach, the circumstantial approach, and the strategic approach. The functional approach represents that the South makes efforts in the area where the possibility of agreement is high for the next 10 years. The conditional approach is a scenario where the South impose all difficult issues as conditions for resolving other diplomatic issues. The balanced approach is resolving the five issues with the same priorities, while the circumstantial approach is resolving issues which seem to be resolved easily. Finally, another optimum approach has been seek using the system dynamics model developed. The optimum strategy (it is named as the strategic approach) was strikingly different from other four approaches. The optimum strategy is so complicated that no one could find it with mental model(or by just insights). Considering that the system dynamic model used to find the optimum is a simplifind (maybe over simplified) version of the reality, it is concluded that a well designed system dynamics model would be of great help to resolving the complicated diplomatic problems in any kind.

• 비교문화연구
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• 제47권
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• pp.53-76
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• 2017

본고는 1747년(영조 23 연향 4)에 대마번에 파견된 제 38차 문위행에 관하여 대마번이 수행해야 할 임무가 무엇이었으며, 임무 수행까지의 과정과 그 결과에 관하여 고찰한다. 이 문위행은 덕천길종(德川吉宗)의 퇴휴 및 번주의 귀환을 축하하는 목적으로 파견되었으나 동시에 다가올 통신사 내빙 협의도 수행한 사절이었다. 1745년 후반에 길종(吉宗) 퇴휴한 후에 가중(家重)가 관백직을 승습하였다. 이에 따라 1746년에 에도막부는 대마번에 통신사 내빙 추진 명령을 내린다. 에도 도착이 2년 뒤 4~5월에 이루어지도록 하라는 것이다. 통신사 내빙까지는 많은 절차가 필요하였다. 또한 조선은 일본과의 교류에 있어서 선례를 따를 것을 원칙으로 고집하였다. 그런데 이번 관백 승습이 구 관백의 퇴휴로 이루어졌는데 근래 100년은 구 관백의 훙거로 이루어져 왔기 때문에 구 관백에 대한 서계나 예단을 보낸 선례가 될 만한 기록물이 없어, 조선은 일본의 요구에 수월하게 대응하지 못하였다. 막부의 위신을 세우며 막부로부터 인정받아야 하는 대마번이 전개하는 조선과의 협상과정을 고찰한다.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제21권1호
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• pp.249-286
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• 2011

This study examines the nature of the world order or the international relations of the 19th century Vietnam. Those who are familiar with the Chinese world order based on the tributary system, have applied the quasi-Chinese world order concept to Vietnam by the terms of 'smaller dragon,' 'little China,' and 'Chinese model.' According to this way of understanding, Vietnamese empire was the imitation or the small sized version of the Chinese empire. Examples are to label Vietnamese emperor as the "Southeast Asian version of the Chinese emperor" or "an absolute photocopy of the Chinese world order." But the author of this article raises questions to this framework of the Chinese Model, and looks for the Vietnamese own world order based on the Southeast Asian tradition. Two issues are discussed in this study. First is the Vietnamese relationships with Southeast Asia. According to author, the first concern of Vietnam in relation to diplomatic relations was to the Mainland Southeast Asian countries. To clarify the contacts with Southeast Asia and Western powers, Vietnamese relationships with the regions of Island Southeast Asian countries were also examined. Second issue is to see the ways how Vietnam maintained its own world order in the course of wars and diplomacy with China. Author argues that the world order of the 19th century Vietnam was closer to the traditional world order of mandala in the Southeast Asia than to the quasi Chinese world order. The relationships among the countries were rather equal than hierarchical. Vietnam regarded the countries of Southeast Asia especially Thailand and Burma as the equal countries. China was one of the equal countries to the eyes of Vietnamese leaders and Vietnam did not have enough room to embody the quasi Chinese world order though the Vietnamese rulers used the titles of emperor, which was the Vietnamese version of Southeast Asian 'king.' In conclusion, the world order of Vietnam is summarized into the two facets of $l{\hat{a}}n$ giao(diplomatic relations with neighbors) and bang giao(diplomatic relations between two countries i.e. Vietnam and China). $l{\hat{a}}n$ giao was to the countries of Southeast Asia while the bang giao was the term and concept for the diplomatic relationship with China. These two relationships composed Vietnamese foreign relationship, ngo?i giao. Author claims that these two relations were based on the spirit of equality that emerged from the beginning of the 19th century.

• 플랜트 저널
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• 제5권3호
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• pp.66-73
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• 2009

This study aims to develop a strategy for South Korean companies to penetrate into the global NPP(nuclear power plant) market with their strength as the sixth biggest nuclear power generator in the world. With 20 nuclear plants in commercial operation and 6 more in construction, South Korea has the best technology in construction and operation of NPP. Despite these capabilities as demonstrated on its domestic market, Korean companies' constraint to enter and play a key role in global NPP market would be the lack of experience in overseas NPP projects, original technologies, and diplomatic effectiveness. This study analyzes the competitiveness of Korean standardized nuclear power plant, construction management skills, construction technologies, manufacturing equipment and materials and operation skills. In this research the current status of existing NPP and the forecast of building NPP according to countries was analyzed in order to work out strategies with technology, cost-effectiveness, and diplomatic consideration.

• 한국중재학회지:중재연구
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• 제27권1호
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• pp.131-160
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• 2017

When any investment dispute arises, the investor has to exhaust the local remedies available in the host state, and according to the agreement between the parties, the investor is filed to the ICSID arbitral tribunal to seek arbitral awards. At this time, if the arbitral tribunal decides that the investment agreement has been violated, it normally demands the host state to provide financial compensations to the investor for economic loss. According to the rules of the investment agreement, the host state is supposed to fulfill the arbitral awards voluntarily. If it is unwilling to provide financial compensations according to the arbitral awards, however, the investor may ask the domestic court of the host state for the recognition and enforcement of arbitral awards. In addition, if the host state is unwilling to fulfill arbitral awards on account of state immunity, the investor may ask his own country (state of nationality) for diplomatic protection and urge it to demand the fulfillment of arbitral awards. Effectiveness for pecuniary damages, a means to solve problems arising in the enforcement of investment arbitral awards, is found to be rather ineffective. For such cases, this study suggests an alternative to demand either a restitution of property or a corrections of violated measures subject to arbitral awards.

• 복식
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• 제26권
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• pp.123-143
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• 1995

Clothing as one of elements of culture has been interwoven with cultural diffusion, and accompanied the most visible change. In this paper, it was focused that the process and the characteristics of western clothing adop-tion of Korea from 1876 to 1945 corelating with cultural diffusion theory. They were analyzed through the change of clothing reformation system by government, school uniform, and social phenomenon. The finding of this paper were as followings; 1. The process of western clothing adoption was forcibly demanded by Japan, therefore influenced by Japan. 2. The clothing reformation which was forced to accept western style was confronted by complex of cultural, psychological and economical resistance. 3. The fashion leaders of this period were Korean students studying abroad, diplomatic officials, members of the armed forces, government officials, students of western educational systemed school, and lady of evangelist. 4. Man adopted western clothing earlier than woman. 5. Western clothing adoption was took precedence in case of formal wear, diplomatic official's attire, military uniform, and school uniform. 6. In this process, we can find 'transculturation' by Malinowski and 'reinter-pretation' by Herskovits. 7. This process was a kind of 'reorientaion'. 8. The change of clothing which was affected by the tradition, for example, robe for the ancestral rites was evolutionary than others. 9. Clothing elements based on mental or internal characteristics like which clothing was hardly changed by compulsion or extortion. 10. The external trends of clothing change during this period were simplicity, utility, and decrease of status symbols.

• Journal of Contemporary Eastern Asia
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• 제18권2호
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• pp.49-67
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• 2019

Since returning to power in 2012, the second Abe administration has pressured Japanese mainstream media in various ways, from creating the Secrecy Act to forming close relationships with media executives and promoting anti-journalism voices on social media. This article focuses on the growth of a jingoist group called the 'Net-rightists' ('Neto-uyo' in the Japanese abbreviation) on the Internet, which has been supporting the right-wing government and amplifying its historical revisionist views of Japanese colonialism. These heavy Internet users deny Japan's war crimes against neighboring Asian countries and disseminate fake news about the past, which justifies Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's hostile diplomatic policies against South Korea and China. Over the past years, the rightist online discourses have become powerful to such an extent that the editorials of major newspapers and TV reports shifted to more nationalist tones. Who are the Neto-uyo? Why have they emerged from the online world and proliferated to the offline world? Two significant characteristics of new media are discussed to analyze their successful media manipulation: cultural transcoding and perpetual rewriting of collective memories. These characteristics have resulted in constructing and reinforcing the data loops of the 'Daily Us' versus Them, technologically raising current diplomatic tensions in East Asia.

• Ocean and Polar Research
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• 제32권4호
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• pp.427-437
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• 2010

The Korean Government is trying to construct an ocean research station in Dokdo's water. The station would be the third ocean research station following the Ieodo station and the Gageocho station. Although the new station would served as a scientific research base for peaceful and academic purposes, the construction of the station will almost certainly lead to a diplomatic dispute between Japan and Korea in the near future due to the disputed ownership of the island. In light of the diplomatic protests against the construction of the Ieodo station by the Chinese Government, various domestic and international legal issues which could be raised regarding the construction of the Dokdo station need to be reviewed. Therefore, this article reviews the international legal status of the station and the rights and duties pertaining to its construction, investigates the domestic legal grounds relating to the construction and operation of the marine scientific installation, evaluates the international legal impacts of the construction on the expansion of maritime jurisdiction, the effective control on Dokdo and the negotiations on maritime boundary delimitation, and finally draws conclusions on the future activities of the Korean Government for the construction and operation of the Dokdo Ocean Research Station.