• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제31권4호
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• pp.300-324
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• 2016

This paper investigated monthly meal composition and type of foods prepared for Dalye (ancestor rituals) over a period of 1 year based on the records in Sakmangdalye-deungnok and reviewed the ingredients for Dalye foods. From the results of our survey, 19 to 20 dishes were served in Sakmangdalye. 24 to 25 different foods were served in Sakdalye. Foods for Sakdalye consisted of Silkwa, Jogwa-Gwapyun, Jeongkwa or Suksilkwa, Hwachae-Sujeonggwa, Tteok, Cho, Jeonyueo, Sugyuk, Jjim, Hwe, Po, Sikhye, Tang, main dish-Guksu or Mandu, and Jang. Ingredients used in Sakmangdalye were recorded in a very integrated and simple manner in Sakmangdalye-deungnok. All ingredients were categorized into three groups: Kwasil (Fruits), Byeongmisikseung (Rice cakes etc.), and Muyeok (purchases). Sakmangdalye-deungnok was helpful in consulting dishes and ordering ingredients when a table for Dalye was set. Moreover, it was written simply enough so those who were in charge of preparing food could easily understand. This paper establishes Sakmangdalye-deungnok as one of the key materials for Royal Cuisine.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제27권2호
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• pp.128-141
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• 2012

This study focused on the historic documents known as $deungnok$, records created during preparations for royal events in the $Joseon$ Dynasty, rather than the often cited $uigwe$, the documents describing the Royal Protocol of the $Joseon$ Dynasty. As a reference to the food served at royal banquets, the $deungnok$ can enhance our understanding of royal banquet foods. Seven specimens of $deungnok$ describing royal banquet foods are currently in existence, created during preparations for royal events by the agencies in charge of food, the $Saongwon$ and $Jeonseonsa$. Owing to the nature of their authorship, the details recorded in these $deungnok$ hold great value as important resources for the study of royal banquet cuisine. $Naeoejinyeon$-$deungnok$, which documented an $oejinyeon$ banquet held at the $Junghwajeon$ Pavilion in November 1902, was somewhat disorganized and fragmented. $Jinyeonuigwe$ was more inclusive and well-summarized, since the former were progress reports to the King during banquet preparations that listed various items separately, such as dishes for each table setting and the kinds of flower pieces, and thus did not present a complete picture of all the details as a whole. The latter, on the other hand, were final reports created upon completion of a banquet, and contained more comprehensive records not only of the $chanpum$ (the menu of dishes served), but also the sorts of tableware and tables, floral arrangements, location, scale, and installation date of the $sukseolso$ (temporary royal kitchens for banquets). They also offer a more effective summary by simplifying details duplicated in identical table settings. Nevertheless, the $Naeoejinyeon$-$deungnok$ recorded some facts that cannot be gleaned from the $Jinyeonuigwe$, including the height of some dishes presented in piled stacks, as well as the specific names of dishes and their ingredients. The comparative study of the historic records in the $deungnok$ and $uigwe$ will be helpful in identifying and understanding the specific foods served at royal banquets. The $oejinyeon$-$seolchando$ diagrams in $Naeoejinyeon$-$deungnok$ depict the table settings for the King and the Crown Prince. The two diagrams contain large rectangles divided into three sections. In each section are similar-sized circles in which the names of dishes and the titles for table settings are recorded. From these records we can see that the arrangements of the table settings for the King and the Crown Prince are similar. The relationships and protocols shown in the arrangement of dishes and table settings for the King and the Crown Prince at royal banquets in the $Seolchando$ appear to be consistent. By comparing the two references, $deungnok$ and $uigwe$, which recorded the dishes served at royal banquets, the author was able to determine the height of some foods served in stacked arrangements, the names of $chanpum$, the ingredients used, and the configuration of the $chanpum$. The comparative review of these two written records, $deungnok$ and $uigwe$, will be helpful for a proper understanding of the actual food served at royal banquets.

• 대기
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• 제27권2호
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• pp.151-162
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• 2017

The rainfall amount data measured by 'Wootaek', a method of measuring how far the moisture had absorbed into the soil when it rains during the Joseon Dynasty, were estimated with the Chugugi data in the 12 sites where both the 'Wootaek' and 'Chugugi' data are available. Excluding the 5 sites (Ganghwa, Jinju, Jeonju, Chuncheon, Hamheung) poor in sample data, the 'Wootaek' data 1 'Ri' and 1 'Seo' in 'Chugugi' unit (Bun) in the 7 sites; Suwon, Gwangju (Gyeonggi-do), Gongju, Daegu, Wonju, Haeju and Pyeongyang, were 11.1/5.6 Bun, 9.4/3.2 Bun, 14.0/5.7 Bun, 9.3/3.9 Bun, 13.6/4.3 Bun, 11.3/4.8 Bun and 16.8/7.4 Bun, respectively. The Chugugi unit 1 'Bun' is equall to approximately 2 'mm'. The average of the 7 sites is 13.1/5.7 Bun, however it becomes small to 11.7/4.5 Bun when the Pyeongyang of which data is considerably distributed over wide range is excluded, showing that the 'Wootaek' data 1 'Ri' is approximately the 2.3~2.6 times of 1 'Seo'. It is recommended to use the individual estimates of the sites in utilizing the 'Wootaek' rainfall data of 352 stations across the country restored from the "Gaksa-deungnok".

• 대기
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• 제22권1호
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• pp.129-135
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• 2012

This study restores rainfall measurements taken with the Chugugi (rain gauge) at Wonju, Hamheung, and Haeju from the Deungnok (government records from the Joseon Dynasty). We restored rainfall data corresponding to a total of 9, 13, and 18 years for Wonju, Hamheung, and Haeju, respectively. Based on the restored data, we reconstructed monthly rainfall data. Restoration was most successful for the rainy season months of June, July and August. The restored rainfall data were compared with the summer rainfall data for Seoul as recorded by the Seungjeongwon (Royal Secretariat). In June, the variation in the restored rainfall data was similar to that of the Seungjeongwon data for Seoul. In July and August, however, the variations in the reconstructed data were markedly different from those in the Seoul data (Seungjeongwon). In the case of the worst drought in the summer of 1888, a substantial shortage of rainfall was found in both the Seungjeongwon data for Seoul and the restored data for the three regional locations.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제32권2호
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• pp.37-48
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• 2023

A literature study was conducted on the management of the pavilion of the royal tomb in the late Joseon Dynasty, focusing on "Gakneung Suri Deungnok(Records relating to the repair of royal tombs)". This study analyzed the royal tomb management system, organized the types of damage identified in the building, and examined how the damage status was recorded by type. In the above, the records related to the 1675~1713 repair of three JeongJaGak(Geonwonneung, Sungneung, and Mokneung), which are registered as state-designated cultural properties, are summarized in three aspects: management system, damage status, and expression words. The results of the study are as follows. First, the royal tomb pavilion was regularly inspected by Observator(觀察使) in spring and autumn, and Surunggwan(守陵官) every 5th, and Servant(守僕) regularly inspected every day and night, and also inspected and reported emergency cases of natural disasters or unexpected damage. Second, the damage status of each building was continuously observed and reported for the continuous maintenance of the buildings in the royal tomb. A total of 75 records of damage to the three royal tombs' pavilion were found to have been most frequently inspected, including 19 cases (25.3%), 14 cases (18.7%), 23 cases (30.7%) of the roof, and 19 cases (25.3%) of the roof. Third, the expression of the damage status is confirmed in various ways, such as separation, separation, burst, damage, excitation, moisture, leakage, and exfoliation. Among them, the main damage records were confirmed due to the separation of the base from the peeling, the furniture, cracks, leaks, leaks in the roof, and the collapse of the roof was able to check the damage records.

• 동아시아식생활학회지
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• 제18권1호
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• pp.158-164
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• 2008

This study was performed to present new insights into the distinct aspects of Jehotang. Its history, significance, and effects were examined by evaluating the pertinent literature. In which the idea that Korean foods were original sources of medicine was well expressed. This study was also conducted with the anticipation that it may be useful in developing new foods and beverages based on modern science. References to the Jehotang were found in nine Korean medicine books, seven general books, and in dynastic records such as Bibyeonsa deungnok, Joseonwangjosilrok, Seungjeongwon Ilgi, etc; thus, it was likely a food since the early Korean age. Furthermore, it was discovered that in the Chosun era. Jehotang was not only drunk as a soft drink at the Royal Court in the summer, but was also used as a royal gifts to Cabinet members at the Tano festival on the fifth day of the fifth month of the lunar calendar.

• 한국도서관정보학회지
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• 제48권2호
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• pp.237-262
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• 2017

조선시대 지방관아는 지역을 다스리기 위한 행정 업무를 수행하기 위해서 공간과 조직 사람이 필수적으로 존재하였고, 행정 업무의 결과를 통해 지방관아의 기록물이 생산되고 관리 보관되었다. 지방관아의 건물과 공간은 첫째, 수령의 통치와 생활공간, 둘째, 관속들의 행정업무 공간, 셋째, 창고 공간으로 구분할 수 있고, 관속의 규모 측면에서도 대규모 기관이었기 때문에 조직구조도 복잡한 형태를 띠고 있었다. 관아의 조직은 크게 육방임과 기타 색임으로 구분하여 호장(戶長) 이방(吏房) 호방(戶房) 형방(刑房) 병방(兵房) 예방(禮房) 공방(工房)의 육방임 업무와 생산 기록물을 살펴보았고, 기타 색임의 업무를 살펴보았다. 또한 세기 영남지역 중기(重記)에 기재되어 있는 물목명 가운데 기록물류를 추출하여 지방관아에서 조직별로 관리하였던 기록물류를 크게 절목(節目), 안(案), 대장(大帳), 완문(完文), 등록(謄錄) 등의 유형으로 구분하여 살펴보았다.

• 대기
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• 제25권4호
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• pp.719-734
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• 2015

Korea is one of the country with the world's oldest meteorological observation records. Starting with first meteorological record of fog in Goguryeo in the year of 34 BC, Korea had left a great deal of quantitative observation records, from the Three Kingdoms Period to Goryeo to Joseon. During the Joseon Dynasty, with a great attention by kings, efforts were particularly made to measure rainfall in a systematic and scientific manner. In the 23rd year of King Sejong (1441), the world's first rain gauge called "Chugugi" was invented; in the following year (1442), a nationwide rainfall observation network was established. The King Sejong distributed Chugugi to 350 observation stations throughout the state, even to small towns and villages, for measuring and recording rainfall. The rainfall observation using Chugugi, initiated by King Sejong, had been in place for about 150 years, but halted during national disturbances such as Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. Since then, the observation had been forgotten for a long time until the rainfall observation by Chugugi was resumed in the 48th year of King Yeongjo (1770). King Yeongjo adopted most of the existing observation system established by King Sejong, including the size of Chugugi and observation rules. He, however, significantly reduced the number of Chugugi observation stations to 14, and commanded the 352 local authorities such as Bu, Gun, Hyeon to conduct "Wootaek", a method of measuring how far the moisture had absorbed into the soil when it rains. Later on, six more Chugugi stations were established. If the number of stations of Chugugi and Wootaek are combined together, the total number of rainfall observation station in the late period of Joseon Dynasty was 372. The rainfall observation with Chugugi during the Joseon Dynasty is of significance and excellence in three aspects: 1) the standard size of Chugugi was so scientifically designed that it is as great as today's modern rain gauge; 2) rainfall was precisely measured, even with unit of Bun (2 mm); and 3) the observation network was distributed on a nationwide basis.

• 미술자료
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• 제97권
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• pp.14-54
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• 2020

용주사 <삼세불회도>에 대한 연구는 연대 추정과 양식 분석, 작가 비정, 문헌 해석의 네 가지 핵심 사항이 실증적인 근거와 일관된 논리 아래 모두 일치되도록 정합적으로 설명해야 한다. 그러나 최근의 용주사 <삼세불회도> 연구에서 제기된 19세기 후반 화승 제작설과 1790년에 제작된 원본을 1920년대에 일반화가가 서양화법으로 개채한 것이라는 소론은 실증성과 논리성이 결여되어 성립되기 어렵다. 현존 <삼세불회도>의 축원문(祝願文)은 세자(世子) 책봉을 받지 않은 원자(元子)만 있던 시기였음에도 불구하고 당시의 관습대로 의례적인 삼전(三殿) 축원문을 썼다가 이를 주사로 지우고 다시 "주상전하수만세(主上殿下壽萬歲), 자궁저하수만세(慈宮邸下壽萬歲), 왕비전하수만세(王妃殿下壽萬歲), 세자저하수만세(世子邸下壽萬歲)"라는 특별한 내용과 예외적인 순서로 개서(改書)했는데, 이는 조선후기 불화의 축원문 형식과 내용을 광범위하게 조사하고 정조대 왕실의 전례(典禮)를 면밀히 분석해 볼 때, 현존하는 <삼세불회도>가 1790년의 창건 당시에 그려졌던 원본 진작임을 말해주는 가장 확실한 객관적 근거라고 할 수 있다. 삼세불회도의 형식(形式)과 도상(圖像), 양식(樣式), 미감(美感), 화격(畫格) 등을 18~19세기 불화나 궁중화원 양식과 다각도로 비교분석해 보면 용주사 <삼세불회도>는 1790년경 전후에만 나타나는 특징이 많이 보이기 때문에 축원문(祝願文)에 대한 분석 결과와 일치한다. 특히 18세기 전반까지만 해도 종교적 위상에 따라 존상의 크기가 결정되고 화면 구성도 근하원상(近下遠上)의 고식(古式) 원근법에 따라 관념적, 평면적 조형 위주로 이루어져 왔으나 이 <삼세불회도>는 투시법적 원근법의 논리에 따라 구축된 입체적 공간 속에 존상들을 매우 체계적으로 배치한 뒤 서양화(西洋畫)의 음영식(陰影式) 명암법(明暗法)을 적극적으로 구사하며 흰색 하이라이트와 그림자까지 표현함으로써, 마치 삼세불회(三世佛會)의 장엄한 세계가 눈앞에 실제로 펼쳐져 있는 것 같은 느낌을 준다. 이 투시법적 원근법의 내적 질서와 음영식 명암법의 외적 착시는 골육합체(骨肉合體)처럼 내적으로 긴밀히 연결되어 있는 것이기 때문에 흰색 하이라이트만 떼어내서 후대에 개채된 것이라고 볼 수 있는 것이 결코 아니다. 더구나 이 <삼세불회도> 같은 고도의 서양화법과 높은 화격(畫格)의 창의적 융합은 조선후기 회화사상 김홍도와 이명기, 김득신 같은 정조대의 궁중화원만이 이룩할 수 있는 고도의 양식이자 화격이다. 용주사 주지 등운(等雲)이 창건 이래 용주사에 전해져온 기록을 토대로 『용주사사적(龍珠寺事蹟)』을 정리하며 김홍도가 <삼세불회도>를 그렸다고 기록한 것은 이것이 당시의 역사(歷史)이자 실상이었기 때문이다. 조정의 공식 기록인 『일성록(日省錄)』과 『수원부지령등록(水原府旨令謄錄)』에는 김홍도와 이명기, 김득신이 감동(監董)했다고 기록되어 있지만, 이는 의례 화승(畫僧)들이 그려왔던 불화를 관원 신분의 화원에게 그리도록 하는 것이 엄격한 관직 체제나 운영상 부당한 것이기 때문에 정치적 부담을 피하기 위해 명분상 감동으로 발령한 뒤 실제로는 불화를 직접 그리도록 했던 데서 나타난 결과였다. 영정조대의 어진(御眞) 도사 과정에서 감동으로 불러들인 문인화가 조영석(趙榮祏)과 강세황(姜世晃)에게 국왕이 직접 그릴 것을 요구했던 사례에서 볼 수 있듯이, '감동(監董)'과 '집필(執筆)'은 경우에 따라 경계를 넘나들 수 있는 개념으로서 '감동'이 '집필'을 완전히 배제하는 것은 아니며 겸할 수도 있는 것이다. 그런 점에서 『용주사사적』의 기록은 『일성록』이나 『수원부지령등록』은 물론 황덕순의 「닫집 원문」 기록과도 모순되는 것이 아니라, 행간의 의미를 찾아 복합적으로 읽으면 각각의 맥락과 필요에 따라 동일한 내용의 표리를 다르게 기록해 놓은 것임을 알 수 있다. 이렇게 해석할 때 우리는 용주사 <삼세불회도>의 연대 추정과 양식 분석, 작가 비정, 문헌 해석의 네 가지 핵심 사항을 모두 실증적인 근거와 일관된 논리 아래 정합적으로 설명할 수 있을 것이다.