• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.31 no.4
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• pp.300-324
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• 2016

This paper investigated monthly meal composition and type of foods prepared for Dalye (ancestor rituals) over a period of 1 year based on the records in Sakmangdalye-deungnok and reviewed the ingredients for Dalye foods. From the results of our survey, 19 to 20 dishes were served in Sakmangdalye. 24 to 25 different foods were served in Sakdalye. Foods for Sakdalye consisted of Silkwa, Jogwa-Gwapyun, Jeongkwa or Suksilkwa, Hwachae-Sujeonggwa, Tteok, Cho, Jeonyueo, Sugyuk, Jjim, Hwe, Po, Sikhye, Tang, main dish-Guksu or Mandu, and Jang. Ingredients used in Sakmangdalye were recorded in a very integrated and simple manner in Sakmangdalye-deungnok. All ingredients were categorized into three groups: Kwasil (Fruits), Byeongmisikseung (Rice cakes etc.), and Muyeok (purchases). Sakmangdalye-deungnok was helpful in consulting dishes and ordering ingredients when a table for Dalye was set. Moreover, it was written simply enough so those who were in charge of preparing food could easily understand. This paper establishes Sakmangdalye-deungnok as one of the key materials for Royal Cuisine.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.128-141
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• 2012

This study focused on the historic documents known as $deungnok$, records created during preparations for royal events in the $Joseon$ Dynasty, rather than the often cited $uigwe$, the documents describing the Royal Protocol of the $Joseon$ Dynasty. As a reference to the food served at royal banquets, the $deungnok$ can enhance our understanding of royal banquet foods. Seven specimens of $deungnok$ describing royal banquet foods are currently in existence, created during preparations for royal events by the agencies in charge of food, the $Saongwon$ and $Jeonseonsa$. Owing to the nature of their authorship, the details recorded in these $deungnok$ hold great value as important resources for the study of royal banquet cuisine. $Naeoejinyeon$-$deungnok$, which documented an $oejinyeon$ banquet held at the $Junghwajeon$ Pavilion in November 1902, was somewhat disorganized and fragmented. $Jinyeonuigwe$ was more inclusive and well-summarized, since the former were progress reports to the King during banquet preparations that listed various items separately, such as dishes for each table setting and the kinds of flower pieces, and thus did not present a complete picture of all the details as a whole. The latter, on the other hand, were final reports created upon completion of a banquet, and contained more comprehensive records not only of the $chanpum$ (the menu of dishes served), but also the sorts of tableware and tables, floral arrangements, location, scale, and installation date of the $sukseolso$ (temporary royal kitchens for banquets). They also offer a more effective summary by simplifying details duplicated in identical table settings. Nevertheless, the $Naeoejinyeon$-$deungnok$ recorded some facts that cannot be gleaned from the $Jinyeonuigwe$, including the height of some dishes presented in piled stacks, as well as the specific names of dishes and their ingredients. The comparative study of the historic records in the $deungnok$ and $uigwe$ will be helpful in identifying and understanding the specific foods served at royal banquets. The $oejinyeon$-$seolchando$ diagrams in $Naeoejinyeon$-$deungnok$ depict the table settings for the King and the Crown Prince. The two diagrams contain large rectangles divided into three sections. In each section are similar-sized circles in which the names of dishes and the titles for table settings are recorded. From these records we can see that the arrangements of the table settings for the King and the Crown Prince are similar. The relationships and protocols shown in the arrangement of dishes and table settings for the King and the Crown Prince at royal banquets in the $Seolchando$ appear to be consistent. By comparing the two references, $deungnok$ and $uigwe$, which recorded the dishes served at royal banquets, the author was able to determine the height of some foods served in stacked arrangements, the names of $chanpum$, the ingredients used, and the configuration of the $chanpum$. The comparative review of these two written records, $deungnok$ and $uigwe$, will be helpful for a proper understanding of the actual food served at royal banquets.

• Atmosphere
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.151-162
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• 2017

The rainfall amount data measured by 'Wootaek', a method of measuring how far the moisture had absorbed into the soil when it rains during the Joseon Dynasty, were estimated with the Chugugi data in the 12 sites where both the 'Wootaek' and 'Chugugi' data are available. Excluding the 5 sites (Ganghwa, Jinju, Jeonju, Chuncheon, Hamheung) poor in sample data, the 'Wootaek' data 1 'Ri' and 1 'Seo' in 'Chugugi' unit (Bun) in the 7 sites; Suwon, Gwangju (Gyeonggi-do), Gongju, Daegu, Wonju, Haeju and Pyeongyang, were 11.1/5.6 Bun, 9.4/3.2 Bun, 14.0/5.7 Bun, 9.3/3.9 Bun, 13.6/4.3 Bun, 11.3/4.8 Bun and 16.8/7.4 Bun, respectively. The Chugugi unit 1 'Bun' is equall to approximately 2 'mm'. The average of the 7 sites is 13.1/5.7 Bun, however it becomes small to 11.7/4.5 Bun when the Pyeongyang of which data is considerably distributed over wide range is excluded, showing that the 'Wootaek' data 1 'Ri' is approximately the 2.3~2.6 times of 1 'Seo'. It is recommended to use the individual estimates of the sites in utilizing the 'Wootaek' rainfall data of 352 stations across the country restored from the "Gaksa-deungnok".

• Atmosphere
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.129-135
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• 2012

This study restores rainfall measurements taken with the Chugugi (rain gauge) at Wonju, Hamheung, and Haeju from the Deungnok (government records from the Joseon Dynasty). We restored rainfall data corresponding to a total of 9, 13, and 18 years for Wonju, Hamheung, and Haeju, respectively. Based on the restored data, we reconstructed monthly rainfall data. Restoration was most successful for the rainy season months of June, July and August. The restored rainfall data were compared with the summer rainfall data for Seoul as recorded by the Seungjeongwon (Royal Secretariat). In June, the variation in the restored rainfall data was similar to that of the Seungjeongwon data for Seoul. In July and August, however, the variations in the reconstructed data were markedly different from those in the Seoul data (Seungjeongwon). In the case of the worst drought in the summer of 1888, a substantial shortage of rainfall was found in both the Seungjeongwon data for Seoul and the restored data for the three regional locations.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.37-48
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• 2023

A literature study was conducted on the management of the pavilion of the royal tomb in the late Joseon Dynasty, focusing on "Gakneung Suri Deungnok(Records relating to the repair of royal tombs)". This study analyzed the royal tomb management system, organized the types of damage identified in the building, and examined how the damage status was recorded by type. In the above, the records related to the 1675~1713 repair of three JeongJaGak(Geonwonneung, Sungneung, and Mokneung), which are registered as state-designated cultural properties, are summarized in three aspects: management system, damage status, and expression words. The results of the study are as follows. First, the royal tomb pavilion was regularly inspected by Observator(觀察使) in spring and autumn, and Surunggwan(守陵官) every 5th, and Servant(守僕) regularly inspected every day and night, and also inspected and reported emergency cases of natural disasters or unexpected damage. Second, the damage status of each building was continuously observed and reported for the continuous maintenance of the buildings in the royal tomb. A total of 75 records of damage to the three royal tombs' pavilion were found to have been most frequently inspected, including 19 cases (25.3%), 14 cases (18.7%), 23 cases (30.7%) of the roof, and 19 cases (25.3%) of the roof. Third, the expression of the damage status is confirmed in various ways, such as separation, separation, burst, damage, excitation, moisture, leakage, and exfoliation. Among them, the main damage records were confirmed due to the separation of the base from the peeling, the furniture, cracks, leaks, leaks in the roof, and the collapse of the roof was able to check the damage records.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.158-164
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• 2008

This study was performed to present new insights into the distinct aspects of Jehotang. Its history, significance, and effects were examined by evaluating the pertinent literature. In which the idea that Korean foods were original sources of medicine was well expressed. This study was also conducted with the anticipation that it may be useful in developing new foods and beverages based on modern science. References to the Jehotang were found in nine Korean medicine books, seven general books, and in dynastic records such as Bibyeonsa deungnok, Joseonwangjosilrok, Seungjeongwon Ilgi, etc; thus, it was likely a food since the early Korean age. Furthermore, it was discovered that in the Chosun era. Jehotang was not only drunk as a soft drink at the Royal Court in the summer, but was also used as a royal gifts to Cabinet members at the Tano festival on the fifth day of the fifth month of the lunar calendar.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.48 no.2
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• pp.237-262
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• 2017

During the Joseon period, space, organization, and personnel were essential in order to perform the administrative work for local governance. For that reason local government records were created, managed, and stored as the results of its administration. Buildings and spaces of local government office can be divided in 3 sections such as 1) administrator's space for governance and living; 2) petty officials' administrative space; 3) granary space for store rations and grains paid as tax. Because of its grand scale, a local government office had considerably complex organizational structure. In order to survey the types and forms of local government records, focusing on six transition documents (junggi, 重記) in the 19th Century Yeongnam Region, this study selected the record type documents in the item lists of the transition documents, then, classified the record type documents which were managed by the organizations in local government offices with several types: program of items (jeolmok, 節目), list of personnel or land (an, 案), register (daejang, 大帳), certified copy (deungnok, 謄錄) and muniment (wanmun, 完文), and examined these documents.

• Atmosphere
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.719-734
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• 2015

Korea is one of the country with the world's oldest meteorological observation records. Starting with first meteorological record of fog in Goguryeo in the year of 34 BC, Korea had left a great deal of quantitative observation records, from the Three Kingdoms Period to Goryeo to Joseon. During the Joseon Dynasty, with a great attention by kings, efforts were particularly made to measure rainfall in a systematic and scientific manner. In the 23rd year of King Sejong (1441), the world's first rain gauge called "Chugugi" was invented; in the following year (1442), a nationwide rainfall observation network was established. The King Sejong distributed Chugugi to 350 observation stations throughout the state, even to small towns and villages, for measuring and recording rainfall. The rainfall observation using Chugugi, initiated by King Sejong, had been in place for about 150 years, but halted during national disturbances such as Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592. Since then, the observation had been forgotten for a long time until the rainfall observation by Chugugi was resumed in the 48th year of King Yeongjo (1770). King Yeongjo adopted most of the existing observation system established by King Sejong, including the size of Chugugi and observation rules. He, however, significantly reduced the number of Chugugi observation stations to 14, and commanded the 352 local authorities such as Bu, Gun, Hyeon to conduct "Wootaek", a method of measuring how far the moisture had absorbed into the soil when it rains. Later on, six more Chugugi stations were established. If the number of stations of Chugugi and Wootaek are combined together, the total number of rainfall observation station in the late period of Joseon Dynasty was 372. The rainfall observation with Chugugi during the Joseon Dynasty is of significance and excellence in three aspects: 1) the standard size of Chugugi was so scientifically designed that it is as great as today's modern rain gauge; 2) rainfall was precisely measured, even with unit of Bun (2 mm); and 3) the observation network was distributed on a nationwide basis.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.14-54
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• 2020

The overall study of Samsaebulhoedo (painting of the Assembly of Buddhas of Three Ages) at Yongjusa Temple has focused on dating it, analyzing the painting style, identifying its painter, and scrutinizing the related documents. However, its greater coherence could be achieved through additional support from empirical evidence and logical consistency. Recent studies on Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple that postulate that the painting could have been produced by a monk-painter in the late nineteenth century and that an original version produced in 1790 could have been retouched by a painter in the 1920s using a Western painting style lack such empirical proof and logic. Although King Jeongjo's son was not yet installed as crown prince, the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple contained a conventional written prayer wishing for a long life for the king, queen, and crown prince: "May his majesty the King live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). Later, this phrase was erased using cinnabar and revised to include unusual content in an exceptional order: "May his majesty the King live long / May his highness the King's Affectionate Mother (Jagung) live long / May her majesty the Queen live long / May his highness the Crown Prince live long" (主上殿下壽萬歲, 慈宮邸下壽萬歲, 王妃殿下壽萬歲, 世子邸下壽萬歲). A comprehensive comparison of the formats and contents in written prayers found on late Joseon Buddhist paintings and a careful analysis of royal liturgy during the reign of King Jeongjo reveal Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple to be an original version produced at the time of the founding of Yongjusa Temple in 1790. According to a comparative analysis of formats, iconography, styles, aesthetic sensibilities, and techniques found in Buddhist paintings and paintings by Joseon court painters from the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple bears features characteristic of paintings produced around 1790, which corresponds to the result of analysis on the written prayer. Buddhist paintings created up to the early eighteenth century show deities with their sizes determined by their religious status and a two-dimensional conceptual composition based on the traditional perspective of depicting close objects in the lower section and distant objects above. This Samsaebulhoedo, however, systematically places the Buddhist deities within a threedimensional space constructed by applying a linear perspective. Through the extensive employment of chiaroscuro as found in Western painting, it expresses white highlights and shadows, evoking a feeling that the magnificent world of the Buddhas of the Three Ages actually unfolds in front of viewers. Since the inner order of a linear perspective and the outer illusion of chiaroscuro shading are intimately related to each other, it is difficult to believe that the white highlights were a later addition. Moreover, the creative convergence of highly-developed Western painting style and techniques that is on display in this Samsaebulhoedo could only have been achieved by late-Joseon court painters working during the reign of King Jeongjo, including Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin. Deungun, the head monk of Yongjusa Temple, wrote Yongjusa sajeok (History of Yongjusa Temple) by compiling the historical records on the temple that had been transmitted since its founding. In Yongjusa sajeok, Deungun recorded that Kim Hongdo painted Samsaebulhoedo as if it were a historical fact. The Joseon royal court's official records, Ilseongnok (Daily Records of the Royal Court and Important Officials) and Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok (Suwon Construction Records), indicate that Kim Hongdo, Yi Myeong-gi, and Kim Deuksin all served as a supervisor (gamdong) for the production of Buddhist paintings. Since within Joseon's hierarchical administrative system it was considered improper to allow court painters of government position to create Buddhist paintings which had previously been produced by monk-painters, they were appointed as gamdong in name only to avoid a political liability. In reality, court painters were ordered to create Buddhist paintings. During their reigns, King Yeongjo and King Jeongjo summoned the literati painters Jo Yeongseok and Kang Sehwang to serve as gamdong for the production of royal portraits and requested that they paint these portraits as well. Thus, the boundary between the concept of supervision and that of painting occasionally blurred. Supervision did not completely preclude painting, and a gamdong could also serve as a painter. In this light, the historical records in Yongjusa sajeok are not inconsistent with those in Ilseongnok, Suwonbu jiryeong deungnok, and a prayer written by Hwang Deok-sun, which was found inside the canopy in Daeungjeon Hall at Yongjusa Temple. These records provided the same content in different forms as required for their purposes and according to the context. This approach to the Samsaebulhoedo at Yongjusa Temple will lead to a more coherent explanation of dating the painting, analyzing its style, identifying its painter, and interpreting the relevant documents based on empirical grounds and logical consistency.