• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.173-218
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• 2009

Bring this analysis down to people-centered development perspective and looking through democratization in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia, we find similarities and differences among them related with the intensity of conflicts between development and human rights in the process of democratization in line with global transformation. Civil society in the Philippines criticized the developmental path in the Philippines which failed to implement land reform and eradication of poverty under the transition from 'patrimonial oligarchy' to democracy. In Thailand the coalition of military and the royalists had consolidated its power since Sarit military regime, which later paved the way 'hybrid oligarchy' era. Most Thai civil society organizations has regarded their developmental experience rather as 'maldevelopment' which disregarded economic and social rights. It has been especially believed by Thai localists that the stimulation of local markets and the building of autonomic community society will form the alternative economy without going against the conservative banner of nation, religion and king. Thaksin as a populist successfully took advantage of Thai localist ethos in favour of taking the seat of power. He projected himself as a modernizer focused on economic growth and cleaner politics. However Thaksin's procedural legitimacy was overthrown by counterattacking from military-royalist alliance, pretexting that Thaksin caused internal conflicts and lacked morality. Soeharto's New Order regime which can be called 'administrative oligarchy' had an antipathy towards notions of economic and social rights as well as civil and political rights. In spite of the fact that the fall of Soeharto opened the political space for democratic civil society organizations which had long struggled with development aggression and human rights abuses, there have been continuously a strong political and military reaction against human rights activists, NGOs and ethnic minorities such as Aceh and Papua. Nevertheless, Indonesian democracy is more promising than Philippine's and Thai democracy in terms of comparatively less pre-modern legacies.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.131-158
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• 2009

20 years has passed since June democratization movement of 1987 that made the representative system worked democratically on the basis of free election politics. So far, democratic movement bloc has been elected to government power at least two times. Conservative bloc of old ruling forces made a peaceful re-turn-over and grasped the government power. It looks that electoral democracy has been working very well. But people's distrust in Korean politics is not decreasing. Recently, crisis of representation is discussed. Korean representative system faces the dual tasks. One originates from the delay of institutional reform, another from the change of political circumstances. This paper diagnose the Korean representative democracy of today, focusing on those dual tasks. Especially, it is proposed to reform the present Korean presidentialism of winner-takes-all power structure. It is also to resolve the problem of Korean parliamentary politics deeply depending on the presidency.

• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.61-82
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• 2011

Public resistance is an essential factor of the democratization process. Due to this, public resistance has been recognized as an important element in discussing the democratization of China. Recently in China, and a new era of resistance especially the agrarian resistance has been being expanded. This paper identifies trends and characteristics of that. With searching changes in the relationship between the nation and the societies in China, we will check whether democratization can be built from the whole bottom of the nation's ideology or not. It is a paradox of china's economic growth that the peasant uprising increased is a factor to the growth. The farmers' smoldering discontent exploded with rage because rural communities have been forced to sacrifice during the growth. The authoritarian party-state system in China has been faced with the limits in calming the peasant revolt down with the traditional suppression and restriction. Even though the party-state system in China has accepted farmers' dissatisfaction somewhat, and it has tried to improve its image of a benevolent government and pursued buying stability strategy, the gap between urban and rural areas has been expanded in the sustainable economic development and modernization process, therefore the authorities could not soothe the farmers' sense of alienation. Accordingly, the peasant revolt has not flickered out easily, and has been getting uncontrolled across China. Resistance characteristics of Chinese farmers have also changed. In the past, they had been sporadic and indirect ways, whereas in recent years, they have changed into organized and active ways. Of course, it is generally evaluated that the party-state system has sustained a strong social control so far. Buying stability strategy has prevented farmers' complaints from spreading to a threat to its regime, because civil societies in rural areas have still weak foundations from being formed. The party-state system, because of tensions and conflicts, will control the growing powers of civil societies in rural areas with institutionalization of interaction between the nation and the societies, and they will induce street protests to legalized struggle for a while. However, the relationship between the state and the societies has already started new rearrangement, in terms of that the conflicts between the state and rural communities have continued, and the changes of resistance ways.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.37 no.10
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• pp.11-26
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• 1999

As the social change has been occured by industrialization and urbanization, making valuable family culture has come to be a social task. The development of family culture education program is required to create future - oriented family culture. This study aims at searching for the direction of family culture education program in Korea development to sere creating desirable family culture. For this study the concepts of family culture and family culture education were defined and the characteristics and problems of Korean family culture were discussed. Based on these discussion, the direction of family culture educational program was proposed. The directions of Korean family culture education program were suggested promotion communitarian consciousness, balancing between traditional and modern value, creating democratization among generations and genders, eqyipping with constructive communication channel, and encouraging autonomy and creativity. To work out these directions, appropriate and educational model should be mobilized to incilude whole family.

• Korea Journal of Hospital Management
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2008

In the shortest period of time, we achieved both industrialization and democratization. We also achieved good performance in health care sector. Whole population are covered by health insurance since 1989 and health outcomes, such as infant mortality, life expectance show good level. However, health care system has several problems, rapidly increasing rate of health care expenditure, dissatisfaction of both consumers and suppliers. Current health care system does not reconcile with market competition principle. Causes of these problems originated from 1977 paradigm which was formed to expand health insurance to whole population within short period. Dominant assumption of 1977 paradigm is to assure equitable access of health care by government's command and control. We urgently demand to reform the 1977 paradigm to suitable in 21th century. Our economy entered into a road to advancement. We have concerns how President Lee's administration reform health care system to harmonize with economic development and to achieve advancement in health care sector.

• The Korean Journal of Applied Statistics
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.5-14
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• 1997

The difficulty of statistical survey has been weighted according to the development and the democratization of society. Since the survey cost increases and the quantity and the quality of the needed information become more diversity it is very hard to produce accurate and appropriate statistics in time. In order to cope with these survey conditions properly, we reviewed the statistical system of Korea and major countries, and proposed the improvable directions of our statistical system.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.2 no.3
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• pp.196-227
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• 2015

The premise of the intentional model of split-ticket voting is that some voters split their tickets simply because they prefer divided government and believe in constant "checks and balances." This article examines whether this premise stands firm in an emerging democracy like Taiwan. That is, by using survey data in Taiwan, we explore whether one's attitude toward divided or unified government is "real." We hypothesize that a citizen's attitude toward "checks and balances" is subject to change, and conditional on whether her preferred party is in power. Specifically, we speculate that a citizen would tend to hold the balancing perspective or favor divided government, if her preferred party is in opposition. However, if her preferred party becomes the ruling party, she would be more likely to oppose (hold) the balancing (non-balancing) perspective or favor unified government. We then utilize panel survey data embedded in Taiwan's Election and Democratization Studies (TEDS) to verify our hypothesis.

• Journal of Agricultural Extension & Community Development
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• v.7 no.1
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• pp.247-254
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• 2000

Since 1997, Korean government changed the status of extension educators from central government staff to county/city government staff for the sake of democratization and localization, regardless of opposition of academic society of extension professionals. Localization of extension educators followed by government restructuring in Korea, resulted various problems, such as 1) Decreased morale and number of extension educators, thus weakening the extension educational function, 2) Weakened linkages between national and local extension offices, 3) Less opportunity for in-service edition of extension educators, 4) Weakened linkages between agricultural research and extension, etc. During the last 30 years, extension services have helped Korean farmers in achieving self sufficiency of rice and year around supply of green vegetables by diffusion of vinyl house technology. Various problems after three years of localization of extension educators were discussed between announcer of radio KBS and a professor of extension in an interview format, and it was concluded that national efforts should be needed to restore morale of extension educators to continually achieve the national goals of food production, balanced national development and preservation of environment, at the same time to meet increasing needs of farmers.

• Journal of Environmental Science International
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.1-14
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• 2003

This research attempts to describe and explain the development of Korean environmental movement. It finds that the emergence of Korean environmental movement was constrained by the authoritarian nature of Korean politics. In 1970s, environmental movements were primitive and were not organized ones. With the wake of democratization in the 1980s, Korean environmental movement began to get some momentum. And in the 1990s, environmental movement to save clean water has achieved some success in certain areas. However, the emphasis on the growth of local economy in the age of local autonomy system has brought heavy degradation of local environment. The coming of the phenomena of Globalization and Cyber-Age has brought positive effects on Korean environmental movement.

• Journal of the Korea Furniture Society
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.156-168
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• 2017

The digital information society that developed along with the 21st century is the 'Open-source Making Movement' which produces collective intelligence through open-source sharing and digital manufacturing tools, which is called 'Makers Movement'. The purpose of this paper is to analyze the case of Makers Movement in furniture design through 'IKEA Hacking' which arose simultaneously with the Makers Movement, and to study and present the prospect and direction of furniture design in the change of manufacturing industry. In this study, four design features were compared with IKEA hacking cases along with the establishment of 'community' which is a feature of Makers Movement. Four characteristics are first customized design, second derivative design through open source, third long -Tail effect design, and fourth, design using digital manufacturing tools. The prospect and direction of furniture design through this study are as follows: first, democratization of furniture design manufacturing, second job creation, third, coexistence of large and small enterprises, fourth promotion of various new technologies, and fifth, discovery of various furniture designers through 'Open System Organization'.