• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.66 no.4
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• pp.18-31
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• 2016

This study examined the consumption of licensed sports fashion products by sports fans in order to provide useful information to apparel companies that are interested in sports sponsorship marketing. Grounded theory approach was adopted to explore consumers' attitude toward the sponsoring companies, and motives of buying licensed fashion products. In-depth interviews were conducted with female fans of professional baseball clubs. The main phenomena of interest was consumer purchase of licensed fashion product, with the emphasis on cultural consumption as a causal condition. Providing support for victory, vicarious consumption, social identification, and needs to differentiate were identified as strategies related to licensed product purchase. Economic situations and limitations to purchase are identified as the mediating conditions. The study identified the effects of the consumption on the fan as well as the sponsoring companies as consequences of the phenomena. Sports marketing strategies were suggested for apparel companies based on the analysis of the consumption rituals for licensed fashion goods.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.356-375
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• 2021

The Generation Z (Gen-Z) consumer has a unique beauty-consuming behavior that is distinct from the previous generations. This study aims to identify the meaning of makeup rituals based on the theoretical framework of the ritual concept. In-depth interviews were conducted with fifteen females in their mid-teens to early 20s. The results showed that Gen-Z has different types of makeup ritual scripts for both ordinary days and special days, which are constantly being re-written and revised based on the experience accumulated. In addition, there are various types of ritual artifacts that play an important role in Gen-Z's makeup ritual, and that they provide psychological comfort and satisfaction. The importance of DIY (Do It Yourself), collecting, and independent brands is emphasized. The role of Gen-Z in the makeup ritual was expanding from a creator for her own ritual to a collaborator for peers' rituals, and sometimes the expansion goes beyond the direct relationships to virtual ones through SNS (Social Network Service). The Gen-Z cohort is found to be a member of beauty knowledge network through which they learn, share, and create the know-how and shopping skills.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.40 no.2
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• pp.382-396
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• 2016

This study explores 1) the cultural meanings that television beauty programs deliver, 2) the ways consumers consume TV beauty programs, and 3) the differences in the meaning of television beauty programs according to personality types. An Enneagram was used to define different personality types. The Enneagram explained personalities according to underlying core energies and was useful to grasp consumer behavior. Exploratory data were collected through in-depth interviews of fifteen women in their twenties who watched television beauty programs regularly. The personality types were classified according to three core energies: head-centered, heart-centered, or body-centered. The results were: First, television beauty programs were celebrity-focused, product-focused, and consumer-focused. They were found to help consumers improve their appearance in an appearance-oriented contemporary society by sharing appearance management information. Second, consumers consumed the products from television beauty programs as well as sought a "beautifully transformed self". Third, cultural meanings moved first from a culturally-constituted world to consumer goods through television beauty programs that then moved these goods to the individual consumer through symbolic consumption behavior along with grooming rituals, evaluation practices, appreciation practices, and accounting practices. Symbolic consumption behavior differed with personality type: heartcentered consumers transferred meaning through grooming rituals and appreciation practices, head-centered consumers through evaluation practices, and body-centered consumers through accounting practices.

• Proceedings of the Korean Association for Survey Research Conference
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• 2005.12a
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• pp.187-220
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• 2005

The purpose of this study is to analyze supporters' community formation motives/ Process/consumption experiences and community characteristics. For this purpose, this study collected the data using ethnographic interview. participant observation, documents and media reports. The results of this study show that supporters communities' formation and diffusion process were influenced by individual characteristics(e.g., personality, hobby and etc.), community characteristics(e.g.,team performance, star player, facilities and etc.) and external factors(ex: media movement etc.) and supporters have experienced various emotions such as intimacy. cohesion, pride and so on through various activities at on-line and off-line site. Community characteristics were classified into we-ness, rituals/traditions, moral responsibility. We found that we-ness influenced emotional dimensions such as joy, pleasure, fun and excitement. rituals and traditions made members feel passion. hope. love and vitality. and moral responsibility provided satisfaction. enthusiasm anxiety. regret and so on. Also, emotional attachment and brand loyalty were increased by these experiential aspects of community consumption.

• Journal of Information Processing Systems
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• v.18 no.4
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• pp.470-479
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• 2022

Mukbang is a type of foodcasting where a host records or streams their eating rituals for audience consumption in live format. With origins in South Korea via the online broadcast genre found on Afreeca TV in the mid-2000s, the phenomenon has since found global popularity. Its development as a full-fledged genre is based on a communication culture that invites people to a meal rather than to talk to one another; viewers watch in silence as a host consumes a copious number of dishes from Korean gastronomy to fast food to other ethnic cuisine on display. An invitation to eat means the beginning of a public relationship that quickly turns to a private shared experience. This study analyzes several Mukbang video postings and makes use of Linden's culture approach model to provide a view toward a number of cross-cultural connections by Koreans and non-Korean audiences. Prior to the study, 10 Korean eating shows were selected and used as standard models. Korean Mukbang mainly consists of eating behavior and ASMR, with very few storytelling or narrative devices utilized by its creators. For this reason, eating shows make a very private connection. In other ways, this paper shows how 28 Mukbang-related YouTube contents selected by Ranker were evolving and examined through notions of acculturation and reception theory.

• Journal of Environmental Health Sciences
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• v.41 no.5
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• pp.349-357
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• 2015

Objectives: The 2007 Korea National Survey for Environmental Pollutants in the Human Body found the highest blood mercury levels nationwide among residents in Seoksan-ri, Goro-myeon, Gunwi-gun, Gyeonsangbuk-do. With the aim to reduce the blood mercury levels of residents in this region, we conducted this study to identify the association between mercury exposure levels and shark meat consumption. Methods: This survey was conducted with 118 participants in Seoksan-ri before the Chuseok festival and 113 residents were added afterwards. Information on participants was collected via questionnaires. Total mercury concentrations in biological samples were measured using a mercury analyzer with the gold-amalgam collection method. Results: To identify this, we conducted mercury exposure level analysis before and after the Chuseok festival and found that blood and urinary mercury levels after Chuseok (GM of $6.9{\mu}g/L$ in blood and $1.68{\mu}g/g$_cr in urine) were higher than those before (GM of $5.29{\mu}g/L$ in blood and $1.44{\mu}g/g$_cr in urine). This area maintains a custom of using shark meat as one of the ancestral rite foods, and the performance of such rites and shark meat consumption have been identified as main sources of mercury exposure. Other than this, smoking, dental amalgam treatment and residential period in the area also contributed to an increase in mercury exposure levels. On the other hand, recent consumption of oriental medicine and vaccination did not have a significant influence on mercury levels. Conclusion: The results were attributed to the local custom of consuming shark meat with high mercury concentrations during rituals taking place during the festival and ancestral rites. Given that the blood mercury levels in 23.2% of the residents exceeded the HBM II values recommended by the German Commission on Human Biological Monitoring, it is suggested that further appropriate actions and follow-up measures be taken to reduce the mercury exposure levels of the residents that exceeded the reference values.

• Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.73-82
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• 2003

In the early years of the Koryo dynasty(877~1392), the grain production was encouraged and the consumption of meat was abstained because of the Buddhism. Therefore, desserts including rice cos and cookies and teas were prevalent. Specially, the cooking skill of the desserts was highly developed because the desserts were the requisite of offered in Buddhist service and national ceremonies. Also, the king took the lead in abstaining to eat meat. According to $\boxDr$Koryodokyung$\boxUl$ , People in the early Years of the Koryo dynasty were unskilled to slaughter for serving meat to the envoy from China. Most ceremonies in Koryo dynasty were held fur retainers by king and the ceremonies held to celebrate the coronation, birth of the royal grandchildren, and royal birthday, and to treat the envoys and merchants from China(Song dynasty) and Tamra kingdom. The ceremonies were continuously held from the early year to the later year of Koryo dynasty. The aristocracy of the Koryo dynasty often held the extravagant ceremonies and drank liquor a lot in the ceremony and offered the extravagant foods such as oil-and-honey pastry and milk, which caused the national problem later. The royal religious ceremonies held often in the Koryo dynasty were ancestor worship ceremony, tea ceremony, lotus lantern ceremony, Palgwanhoe, etc. In Koryo dynasty, there were several government offices that took charge of royal dietary culture as follows: 1. Yomulgo (料物庫) - government office supplied with provisions 2. Sasunseo(司謄署) - government office that took charge of various kinds of side dishes 3. Saonseo(司酪署) - government office that took charge of wine and liquor 4. Naejangtaek(內莊宅) - government office managed paddy fields and dry fields owned by royal family 5. Sangsikguk(尙食局) - government office same as Sasunseo that took charge of various kinds of side dishes, the name changed to Sasunseo later 6. Sungwanseo (謄官署) - government office that took charge of foods for various religious services and ceremonies 7. Naewonseo (內園署) - government office that took charge of the garden

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.