• Journal of North-East Asian Cultures
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• v.19
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• pp.23-48
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• 2009

Duan Fang's doctrine of constitutional monarchy went forward from monarchy to constitutional government based on that an establishment of constitution political structure is superior to a arbitrary rule political structure. And Duan Fang's doctrine featured limitation of monarch's authority protection of subjects' rights. He thought constitution government should be based on the establishment of constitution preparation. He believed that China need to take merit equally in the process of establishment of constitution preparation. In spite of this flexible recognition, there was not enough consideration about an ideological, social and economical basis that can make possible constitutional government operation. He had understood constitutional government system from angle of monarch's safety and the wealth and power of nation. The view was that a responsible Cabinet was for monarch's safety and the nation assembly judicature local autonomous is a system for safety of nation showed us. In his opinion, neither main task of congress is legislation, cabinet nor is the high ranking executive agency, however, he expected to constitutionalism system to become a buffing role instead of monarch. A little pure and simple thinking that open nation assembly and execute constitutional monarchy could make China powerful and wealthy might reflected urgent situation at that time.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.53-94
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• 2017

Thai political regime is said to have returned to bureaucratic polity or semi-democracy. However this kind of perspective do not find the political interference of Privy Council which is a body of Monarch of Thailand. Therefore this paper tries to discover the unique traits of Thai way of constitutional monarchy which can be defined as the modern form of absolute monarchy. In short Thai way of constitutional monarchy based on network politics is contradictary to the normal constitutional monarchy whose norm is "the king reigns, but does not rule." This means Thai king is in politics not above politics in reality. Thai monarchy has interfered in diversive way in terms of mediating political conflicts and protecting the monarchy as a institution. In this process the king has been worshiped as demigod who practises the Buddhist doctrine and the centre of national integration. Even after the 6 Ocober 1976 massacre which the palace involved King Bhumibol Adulyadej's sacred position was not challenged. Rather $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law became more draconian for status quo. Since then $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ was cited as one of the major rationale for the military coup. The 2006 coup which was triggered by the clash between network Monarchy and bourgeois polity based on Thakin network marked a surge of the $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ cases. The 2014 coup had consecutively increased the number of $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ prisoners. It can be said that the modern form of absolute monarchy in Thailand including bureaucratic polity, semi-democracy and democracy is bounded by $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law which network monarchy players such as military, intellectuals, Democrat Party and even some civil society groups support.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.45-87
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• 2013

This paper aims to study Thai democratic deepening and the constitutional engineering with the analytical concepts of 'power sharing' and 'accountability' focusing on the 1997 and 2007 Constitution. With regard to power sharing, the 1997 Constitution had the characteristics of majoritarian principle including a two-party system, strengthening of prime minister and the executive's power etc. It enhanced significantly the aspects of accountability compared with the previous constitutions. The institutions such as Constitutional Court, Commission on Election, Administration Court, Commission on Human Right, Ombudsman, Commission on Anti-corruption, and the Measure for Anti-money Laundering were established by the 1997 Constitution. However, such empowered accountability system were often abused by the political power groups in the political process. The 2007 Constitution has the characteristics of consensual principle including a multiparty system, proportional representation system, weakened prime minister's power, balancing of cabinet and parliament's power, pushing ahead with decentralization. However, the consensual principle of the 2007 Constitution came, in part, from the factional interests. It is similar to the 1997 Constitution in terms of accountability system, which enhanced in law but abused often in practice. One of the critical reasons for the failure of the 1997 and 2007 constitutions to consolidate democratic system was the political game played around the so-called network for the monarchy composed by the military, the civilian bureaucracy, Constitutional Court and the privileged classes. The future of the Thai democratic deepening depends on the constitutional engineering in which the factional interests should be excluded, and the rules of power sharing and accountability which traditionally played around the network for the monarchy should be effectively institutionalized.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.7-13
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• 2009

This article conducted an pilot study on Lee Gyu-Jun(李圭晙)'s life and thoughts. He championed, and is mainly based on, old annotations of ancient Confucian bibles古文 that were made in the Han漢 and Tang唐 era in Chinese history and consequently took additionally into account Zuxi朱熹's annotations on Confucian bibles. This cause big trouble to him in conservative Gyeong Shang Province(嶺南). He participated in the Confucian Religion Movement孔敎運動 and proposed constitutional monarchy as a new polity fit for changing Korean history. He closely interacted with many resistants to the Japanese rule of Korea and had a mixed perspective on Western culture, science and technology, and social system, positive or negative, contingent on cases. He made great footprints in the history of both modern Korean medicine and philosophy. Thus there is an urgent need for the overall study on Lee Gyu-Jun in every aspect.

• Journal of the Korean Society for Library and Information Science
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.75-94
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• 2004

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the administrative system and legislation of Canada's libraries with priority given to public library. Canada is a constitutional monarchy, a federal state and parliamentary democracy with 10 provinces and 3 territories and two systems of law(civil law and common law). There are about 1,045 public libraries in total and its governance and legislation is a provincial responsibility. For that reason. federal government did not legislate on public libraries and library act is the provincial public library statute authorizing the establishment and operation of public libraries and their management by boards. In Canada. each provincial library act provides for four types of public libraries : municipal libraries, regional libraries, districts libraries, and integrated public library systems.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.8
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• pp.338-349
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• 2020

This study was conducted to find ways to expand investment and seek cooperation measure in Cambodia. It is located on the Indochina Peninsula in East Asia, and has historically suffered a lot from social systems and politics. It is a politically constitutional monarchy and shows a neutral tendency in the form of a non-alliance of pro-Westernism. Cambodia recently recorded a high growth rate due to the economic liberalization promoted since the mid-1980s. It is also emerging as the next generation production base in Southeast Asia. The diplomatic relationship, which had been temporarily suspended with Korea, was resumed in 1997. Since then, it has been conducting mutual trade and exchange. Therefore, this study which is as unfamiliar and infrequent looked at Cambodia's economy, trade trends and support plan. In addition, various development possibilities were considered. In particular, in-depth research was conducted on local entry methods and participating projects. First of all, it was devised various ways to expand investment and human exchange, diversify public-private relations, and enter the logistics, distribution, and infrastructure projects directly. As such, this study was developed to serve as a basis for contributing to a part of the research on Cambodian economy and trade in the future.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.57 no.3 s.112
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• pp.124-135
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• 2007

Being called 'the period of diversity', the 21st century is taking on a new aspect which is different from the past where a certain phenomenon of a specific area was prescribed as one representative icon of a period. In particular, the globalization culture acted as the catalyst to accept such diversity and it appeared as a new culture code, 'fusion' throughout society and culture. Especially, unlike two-hour movies, the recent drama $\lceil$Gung$\rfloor$ showed various fusion style costume over a period of three months and created a sensation of fusion style costume. Therefore, this study is aimed at investigating fusion style costume by selecting the TV drama $\lceil$Gung$\rfloor$ which was on the air in 2006. Though various studies on fusion style costume, which is becoming a new culture code, have been conducted, this study is meaningful in that it's time to conduct a new study through a popular TV drama. Based on preceding studies on fusion style, the elements of fusion style were analyzed by capturing the most frequently exposed heroine's costume, and new design development introducing fusion elements was attempted for empirical studies. The study results are as follows. First, it was found that the fusion trend is a culture code which already spread to the public and is shown in the fashion in various ways. Second, the drama $\lceil$Gung$\rfloor$, is commented as a new dram which introduced the fusion style costume into Korea through a modern version of constitutional monarchy and is commented as a medium which created an interest in the fusion costume among the public as well. Third, new trend elements of the fusion style could be derived through empirical studies by design development.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.24 no.2
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• pp.127-165
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• 2014

This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.39
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• pp.7-35
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• 2014

The objective of this research is to find out what the Korean traditional changing of SooMunJang and the United Kingdom's ceremony of changing the guard suggests us by performing comparative analysis as well as research of the United Kingdom Household Division's history of transition, organization, and their missions since 1660. The Royal Household is a constitutional monarchy and served by the Household Division for 350 years as a symbol of the United Kingdom. The Household Division is a regular army that is affiliated to British Army. The Guards Division consists of two cavalry regiments and five infantry regiments along with the King's Troop, Royal Horse Artillery. The Household Division not only escorts the king, guards royal palace, and attends a official function, but also dispatched to a combat area as the most elite troops. Similarities in aspect of king escort, palace guard, and succession of tradition were found from the comparison between Korean and the United Kingdom's changing of the guard. On the other hand, fundamental purpose and objective, process of forming a tourist attraction, organization were distinctive. While the Household Division and the Royal Household became a worldwide symbol of the United Kingdom, Korean changing of SooMunJang is insufficient to represent Korean traditional royal guard custom and just reenacting historical tradition to emphasize the succession of tradition and to develop tourism. Therefore, this research is suggesting methods to improve the cultural contents of distinctive Korean traditional royal guard and escort of royal family.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.40
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• pp.77-114
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• 2022

The purpose of this study is to analyze the ideological background, legal composition, and separation of powers contained within the institutional devices of The Dao Constitution based on the basic principles of the legal system, which would be embodied in The Constitution of the Republic of Korea. The ideological background of The Dao Constitution is that of the religion, Daesoon Jinrihoe. In Daesoon Jinrihoe, it is held that the Supreme God, Sangje, determined that Mutual Contention, the ruling pattern of the Former World, ran contrary to His divine will and this endangered the world as nature and humans had also fallen into Mutual Contention. As an act of divine intervention, Sangje established Mutual Beneficence so that nature and humanity could follow Mutual Beneficence as a paradigm shift culminating in a Great Opening of the universe. Sangje, the agent behind the paradigm shift, revealed His divine will that humans transform into mutually beneficent humans. Therefore, The Dao Constitution was written to be a set of fundamental norms based on the 'rights and obligations of the members of Daesoon Jinrihoe' to accept and implement the will of Sangje as it applies to each member's mission. The legal composition of The Dao Constitution consists of the body and supplementary provisions. The text consists of general rules, moral rights and obligations, origins, and institutional devices. Institutional devices include the Central Council, the Institute of Propagation and Edition, the Institute of Religious Services, Works, Financial Management, and the Institute of Audit and Inspection. The legal composition of The Dao Constitution is similar to that of the Constitution. The difference is that while the Constitution applies a 'principle of maximum rights and minimum obligations,' The Dao Constitution stipulates more obligations than rights in order to complete the mission of the members. The principle of separation of powers is applied to the institutional devices in The Dao Constitution. In The Dao Constitution, the organizational form of the central headquarters has been divided into a 'before and after' scheme surrounding the death of Dojeon. The organizational form of the central headquarters prior to Dojeon's death was similar to a Constitutional Monarchy. After the death of Dojeon, the central headquarters' organizational form became similar to a parliamentary cabinet system. The separation of powers at central headquarters is divided among a legislative power (the Central Council), an executive power (the Institute of Religious Services), and a judicial power (the Institute of Audit and Inspection). The separation of powers within the functions of the central government first occurs between the Central Council and its employees, then between the Central Council and the Institute of Auditing and Inspection, and also between the Legislative Government and the Institute of Religious Services. Furthermore, the principle of a vertical separation of powers exists between the central headquarters and the local organization.