• Health Policy and Management
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• v.20 no.1
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• pp.64-86
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• 2010

Korea has had problems with the price and supply of essential drugs such as Gleevec for leukemia, Fuzeon for HIV/AIDS, and Tamiflu for both avian flu and swine flu. The shortage or refusal of patented drugs supply is imposing a heavy burden in not only developing countries but also developed countries. Thinking over the serious results, we need to concern about the limited access to patented drugs by multinational drug companies' patent monopoly especially for pandemic and life threatening diseases. The effective response regarding to pandemic and life threatening diseases. The effective response regarding to pandemic situation requests collaborative and unbiased provisions of all countries in the world, however, sometimes patent monopoly may hinder the efforts. Compulsory licensing has been considered to be a useful alternative to the abuse of patent rights. However, the Korean experiences of compulsory licensing have left some controversial issues in connection with the availability of it in Korea. 'Flexibility' allowed in TRIPS and Doha Declaration has not come into effect in Korea for several reasons. Although the situation shows the limitations of compulsory licensing as a pharmaceutical supply policy, it is clear that compulsory licensing still has the possibilities of enhancing the access to medicines of all countries in need. Through searching the institutionalization process and experiments of compulsory licensing in Korea, this article explores the possibilities and the limits.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.30
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• pp.85-115
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• 2012

The private security industry has expanded in proportion to economic developments throughout the world, largely because the existing security services provided by the government do not satisfy demands of various economic entities and people in the society for better security service. Therefore, it would not be unfair to say that security services by private sectors are decided by its quality, price, and customers' needs. A refined management system, however, is essential to assess qualification of security companies and their service quality, given the nature of public goods of security service. Despite the steady growth of private security industry in Korea, however, it has been continuously criticized that its security management system for better qualification of security guards, training, and private security companies have not been fully updated enough to guarantee good quality. This paper aims to gain insights to effective policy formation in the Korean private security industry, through reviewing the licensing system of private security guards and the Approved Contractor Scheme (hereinafter the ACS) in the UK- that has on one hand systematically regulated private security industry, but on other hand has enforced public-private cooperation by laying significant stress on autonomy of private security companies. The distinctive characteristic of the UK policy for the private security is that the Security Industry Authority (hereinafter the SIA), an independent authority, is leading development of the private security industry of the UK through specialized private security regulation and enhanced service quality. In addition, the UK is developing quality of security service with transparent financial management and recruitment of good quality security guards by adopting not only substantially specified regulations and standards, but the voluntary ACS system. Moreover, the SIA analyzes customers' demands for security service specializing the policy for private security through conducting a variety of surveys. With the analysis of the UK private security system, this paper suggests that the Korean government change from a non-specialized private security regulation system by the National Police Agency to an independently specialized private security authority like the SIA and adopt the compulsory licensing and the ACS system of the UK.

• Architectural research
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• v.16 no.4
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• pp.139-147
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• 2014

The purpose of this study is to explore institutional frameworks to professionalize housing management in Korea. In particular, this research reviews the evolution of professional housing management and its institutional measures in a social constructionist perspective. The main method employed in the study is content analysis in which historical pathways in institutionalization of professional housing management are examined and a wide array of indices from secondary data are drawn out in relation to various actors. The findings show that a series of institutional measures were taken from 1970s to secure the professionalization of housing management ranging from introduction of housing management bylaws, placement of licensed housing managers, legal requirements of professionally managed housing estates, compulsory operation of long-term reserve funds, formation of residents' association, mandatory establishment of long-range maintenance planning, to standardization of multifamily housing management bylaws. Since the Multifamily Housing Management Ordinance of 1979 amended in 1980s, many institutional measures have been legally enforced and shaped contemporary practices of professional housing management such as an association for housing management companies, qualification of on-site housing management agents, national licensing examination for housing managers, an organization for licensed housing mangers, mandatory registration of housing management companies, disclosure of monthly housing management fees, and formalization of public assessment of housing management. In spite of the distinctive marks in the professionalization of housing management, more proactive and competitive approaches to the international professionalization need to be considered.

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.29 no.4
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• pp.394-398
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• 2019

Education on the physician continues with undergraduate medical education, graduate medical education, and continuous medical education. The countries such as the United States, Japan, the United Kingdom, German, and others are required to undergo training in the clinical field for 2 years after completing the national medical examination, and to become doctors after passing the clinical practice license test. Korea can obtain a medical license and become a clinical doctor at the same time if it passes written and practical tests after completing 6 years of undergraduate medical education or 4 years of graduate school. About 90% of medical school graduates replace clinical practice with 4-5 years of training to acquire professional qualifications, but this is an option for individual doctors rather than an extension of the licensing system under law. The medical professional qualification system is implemented by the Ministry of Health and Welfare on the regulation. In fact, under the supervision of the government, the Korean Hospital Association, the Korean Medical Association, and the Korean Academy of Medical Sciences progress most procedures. After training and becoming a specialist, the only thing that is given to a specialist is the right to mark him or her as a specialist in marking a medical institution and advertising. The government's guidelines for professional training are too restrictive, such as the recruitment method of residents, annual training courses of residents, dispatch rule of the residents, and the quota of residents of training hospitals. Although professional training systems are operated in the United States, the United Kingdom, France, and Germany, most of them are organized and operated by public professional organizations and widely recognize the autonomy of academic institutions and hospitals. Korea should also introduce a compulsory education system after graduating from medical education and organize and initiate by autonomic public professional organization that meets global standards.