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Korean Ocean Forecasting System: Present and Future (한국의 해양예측, 오늘과 내일)

  • Kim, Young Ho;Choi, Byoung-Ju;Lee, Jun-Soo;Byun, Do-Seong;Kang, Kiryong;Kim, Young-Gyu;Cho, Yang-Ki
    • The Sea:JOURNAL OF THE KOREAN SOCIETY OF OCEANOGRAPHY
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    • v.18 no.2
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    • pp.89-103
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    • 2013
  • National demands for the ocean forecasting system have been increased to support economic activity and national safety including search and rescue, maritime defense, fisheries, port management, leisure activities and marine transportation. Further, the ocean forecasting has been regarded as one of the key components to improve the weather and climate forecasting. Due to the national demands as well as improvement of the technology, the ocean forecasting systems have been established among advanced countries since late 1990. Global Ocean Data Assimilation Experiment (GODAE) significantly contributed to the achievement and world-wide spreading of ocean forecasting systems. Four stages of GODAE were summarized. Goal, vision, development history and research on ocean forecasting system of the advanced countries such as USA, France, UK, Italy, Norway, Australia, Japan, China, who operationally use the systems, were examined and compared. Strategies of the successfully established ocean forecasting systems can be summarized as follows: First, concentration of the national ability is required to establish successful operational ocean forecasting system. Second, newly developed technologies were shared with other countries and they achieved mutual and cooperative development through the international program. Third, each participating organization has devoted to its own task according to its role. In Korean society, demands on the ocean forecasting system have been also extended. Present status on development of the ocean forecasting system and long-term plan of KMA (Korea Meteorological Administration), KHOA (Korea Hydrographic and Oceanographic Administration), NFRDI (National Fisheries Research & Development Institute), ADD (Agency for Defense Development) were surveyed. From the history of the pre-established systems in other countries, the cooperation among the relevant Korean organizations is essential to establish the accurate and successful ocean forecasting system, and they can form a consortium. Through the cooperation, we can (1) set up high-quality ocean forecasting models and systems, (2) efficiently invest and distribute financial resources without duplicate investment, (3) overcome lack of manpower for the development. At present stage, it is strongly requested to concentrate national resources on developing a large-scale operational Korea Ocean Forecasting System which can produce open boundary and initial conditions for local ocean and climate forecasting models. Once the system is established, each organization can modify the system for its own specialized purpose. In addition, we can contribute to the international ocean prediction community.

Recent Developments in Space Law (우주법(宇宙法)의 최근동향(最近動向))

  • Choi, June-Sun
    • The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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    • v.1
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    • pp.223-243
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    • 1989
  • The practical application of modern space science and technology have resulted in many actual and potential gains of mankind. These successes have conditioned and increased the need for a viable space law regime and the challenge of space has ultimately led to the formation of an international legal regime for space. Space law is no longer a primitive law. It is a modern law. Yet, in its stages of growth, it has not reached the condition of perfection. Therefore, under the existing state of thing, we could carefully say that the space law is one of the most newest fields of jurisprudence despite the fact that no one has so far defined it perfectly. However, if space law can be a true jurisprudential entity, it must be definable. In defining the space law, first of all, the grasp of it's nature iis inevitable. Although space law encompasses many tenets and facets of other legal discriplines, its principal nature is public international law, because space law affects and effects law relating intercourse among nations. Since early 1960s when mankind was first able to flight and stay in outer space, the necessity to control and administrate the space activities of human beings has growingly increased. The leading law-formulating agency to this purpose is the United Nation's ad hoc Committee on Peaceful Uses of Outer Space("COPUOS"). COPUOS gave direction to public international space law by establishing the 1963 Declaration of Legal Principles Governing the Activities of the States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space("1963 Declaration"). The 1963 Declaration is very foundation of the five international multilateral treaties that were established successively after the 1963 Declaration. The five treaties are as follows: 1) The Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space including Moon and other Celestial Bodies, 1967. 2) The Agreement on the Rescue of Astronauts, the Return of Astronauts, and the Return of Objects Launched into Outer Space, 1968. 3) The Convention on International Liability for Damage Caused by Space Objects, 1972. 4) The Convention on Registration of Objects Launched into Outer Space, 1974. 5) The Agreement Governing Activities of States on the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies: Moon Treaty, 1979. The other face of space law is it's commercial aspect. Space is no longer the sole domination of governments. Many private enterprise have already moved directly or indirectly into space activities in the parts such as telecommunications and space manufacturing. Since space law as the public international law has already advanced in accordance with the developments of space science and technology, there left only a few areas untouched in this field of law. Therefore the possibility of rapid growth of space law is expected in the parts of commerical space law, as it is, at this time, in a nascent state. The resources of the space environment are also commercially both valuable and important since the resources include the tangible natural resources to be found on the moon and other celestial bodies. Other space-based resources are solar energy, geostationary and geosynchronous orbital positions, radio frequencies, area possibly suited to human habitations, all areas and materials lending themselves to scientific research and inquiry. Remote sensing, space manufacturing and space transportation services are also another potential areas in which commercial. endeavors of Mankind can be carried out. In this regard, space insurance is also one of the most important devices allowing mankind to proceed with commercial space venture. Thus, knowlege of how space insurance came into existence and what it covers is necessary to understand the legal issues peculiar to space law. As a conclusion the writer emphasized the international cooperation of all nations in space activities of mankind, because space commerce, by its nature, will give rise many legal issues of international scope and concern. Important national and world-community interests would be served over time through the acceptance of new international agreements relating to remote sencing, direct television broadcasting, the use of nuclear power sources in space, the regularization of the activities of space transportation systems. standards respecting contamination and pollution, and a practical boundary between outer space and air space. If space activity regulation does not move beyond the national level, the peaceful exploration of space for all mankind will not be realized. For the efficient regulation on private and governmental space activities, the creation of an international space agency, similar to the International Civil Aviation Organization but modified to meet the needs of space technology, will be required. But prior to creation of an international organization, it will be necessary to establish, at national level, the Office of Air and Space Bureau, which will administrate liscence liscence application process, safety review and sale of launch equipment, and will carry out launch service.

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The Spatial Linkage and Complex Location of Kumi Industrial Complex -The Case of No.1 Industrial Complex- (구미공업단지의 공장입지와 연계 -제1단지의 경우-)

  • Cho, Sung-Ho;Choi, Kum-Hae
    • Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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    • v.3 no.1
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    • pp.183-198
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    • 1997
  • This case study was conducted by verification the site characteristics based on the questionnaire and interview obtained from the all factories located at No. 1 developing area in Kumi industrial complex. The site characteristics were presumed from the process of location behavior and spatial linkage. Kumi industrial complex was developed to improve export industry at national levels by providing chief land price and benefiting various tax. Kumi industrial complex which enticed many factories is playing an important role in export industry in Korea. At beginning, the detention of large enterprises promoted the establishment of related small to medium sized factories into the complex. Two distinctive industries. textile and electronic, were reflected by the purpose to establish the complex and industrial characteristics of Taegu city. respectively. In Kumi industrial complex, positive responses on traffic and raw material supply and negative reactions on the environmental impact on social community as well as high labor charge were investigated. Especially the higher labor cost prevented to hire laborers effectively. In the linkages of spatial and raw material, most factories in the complex depended on the availability of out side the Kumi city. For the textile factories, the supply of raw material and parts were relied on Taegu and/or other cities, whereas in electronic factories purchased them mainly from other cities and partly from abroad. Although questionnaire and interview suggested it, most of the parts were supplied by a parts maturing companies on the complex to a few large enterprises. In the marketing linkage, textile factories revealed higher relation-ship with the foreign countries and sewing factories in Korea. On the other hand, electronic factories have strong relation-ships in the marketing linkage to the parts supplying companies in the complex or large-scale resembling companies in other cities. In the textile companies, the right for decision on purchasing raw materials and parts is belonging to the owner whereas mother enterprise usually have the right for the marketing. In the case of the electronic factories, all the purchasing activities are related to the sub-contracting companies. In the service linkage, the Quality of the service created spatial distinction. There was high linkages on inside of Kumi complex for the low grade services such as repairing and installing machines, whereas strong linkages on outside of the complex for the high grade services such as management, law, taxation, new product development. and manufacturing technology. In the linkages of activity on the R&D (research and development), electronic factories do not have sufficiently qualified institutes in the complex. Strong regional linkages in the field of textile and electronic industries revealed limitations of the local industrial complex. In the sub-contracting linkage, high linkage ship within Kumi boundary reflected the characteristics of industrial site in the complex. There, most decisions by the companies centered by the mother enterprise.

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FTA Negotiation Strategy and Politics in the Viewpoint of the Three-Dimensional Game Theory: Korea-EU FTA and EU-Japan EPA in Comparison (삼차원게임이론의 관점에서 바라 본 유럽연합의 FTA 협상 전략 및 정치: 한-EU FTA와 EU-일본 EPA의 비교를 중심으로)

  • Kim, Hyun-Jung
    • Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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    • v.22 no.2
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    • pp.81-110
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    • 2018
  • In this paper, we examined the regional economic integration, the trade negotiation strategy and bargaining power of the European Union through the logical structure of the three - dimensional game theory. In the three - dimensional game theory, the negotiator emphasized that the negotiation strategy of the triple side existed while simultaneously operating the game standing on the boundary of each side game, constrained from each direction or occasionally using the constraint as an opportunity. The study of three-dimensional game theory is aimed at organizing the process of coordinating opinions and meditating interests at the international level, regional level and member level by the regional union as a subject of negotiation. This study would compare and analyze the recently concluded EU-Japan EPA (Economic Partnership Agreement) negotiation process with the case of the EU FTA, and summarize the logic of the three-dimensional game theory applicable to the FTA of the regional economic partnership. Furthermore, the study would illustrate the strategies of the regional economic cooperatives to respond to negotiations. The area of trade policy at the EU level has already been completed by the exclusive power of the Union on areas where it is difficult to politicize with technical features. Moreover, the fact that the policy process at the Union level has not been revealed as a political issue, and that the public opinion process is a double-step approach. In conclusion, the EU's trade policy process constitutes a complicated and sophisticated process with the allocation of authority by various central organizations. The mechanism of negotiation is paradoxically simplified because of the common policy decision process and the structural characteristics of the trade zone, and the bargaining power at the community level is enhanced. As a result, the European Commission would function as a very strong negotiator in bilateral trade negotiations at the international level.

A Study on Prototype Landscape of Mujang-Eupchi(茂長邑治) during Joseon Dynasty (조선시대 무장읍치(茂長邑治)의 원형경관 고찰)

  • Sim, Soon-hee;Song, Suk-ho;Kim, Choong-sik
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.40 no.1
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    • pp.1-14
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    • 2022
  • This study focused on examining the location characteristics of Mujang-Eupchi(茂長邑治), a traditional city of Joseon Dynasty, and shedding light on its prototype landscape. The findings were summarized as follows: Mujang-Eupchi showed a Confucian space system with Munmyo(文廟) within Hyanggyo(鄕校) in the east, Sajikdan(社稷壇) in the west, Seonghwangsa(城隍祠) in the fortress and Yeodan(厲壇) and Seonghwangdan(城隍壇) in Jinsan(鎭山) in the north around the Mujang-Eupseong(茂長邑城), an old fortress, built in the 17th year of King Taejong(1417). It seemed that Seonghwangdan located in Jinsan maintained a coexistence system with Seonghwangsa(城隍祠) within the Eupseong. A Pungsu(風水) stream in a V-shape ran before the southern gate of Eupseong, forming a Sugu(水口) in front of Namsan(南山) that was an Ansan(案山). They dug a southern pond called Hongmunje(紅門堤) to protect the vitality of the village and built Gwanpungjeong(觀豊亭). In the 19th century, Hongmunje and Gwanpungjeong were renamed into Muheungje(茂興堤) and Muheungdang(茂興堂), respectively. Eupsu(邑藪) were planted in front of the southern pond including Wondo(圓島), and Songdeokbi(頌德碑), Dangsanmok(堂山木), and Dangsanseok(堂山石) served as a Sugumagi(水口막이) and protected the entrance of Eupchi. After the Liberation, the southern pond was buried in 1955, and a market was formed at the site, which resulted in the disappearance of its prototype. The study also investigated the name and location of Chilgeori(七거리) in the village as it was lost following the unification of Bu(府), Gun(郡), and Myeon(面) titles in 1914 during the Japanese colonial period. Chilgeori Dangsan was based on Yin and Yang theory and became the subject of the organization mainly composed of Grandfather Dangsan menhir and Grandmother Dangsan tree. Chilgeori Dangsan was a religious place of the community to guard the village, serving as seven gateways to control access at the village boundary and it had a locational feature of protecting the inner mountain ranges of Eupchi.

The Characteristic of Laws on the Kind of Urban Green Spaces and the Legal Requirements for the Green Spaces of Urban Habitat in China (중국의 도시녹지 종류와 도시거주구 녹지의 설치 기준에 관한 법제도의 현황과 특성)

  • Shin, Ick-Soon
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.41 no.3
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    • pp.1-11
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    • 2013
  • This study investigated Chinese Laws on the kind of urban green spaces and the legal requirements for the green spaces of urban habitat and analyzed the specificities of them intending to provide basic data to suggest bringing in or not the relevant Chinese Laws to Korea. This study can be summarized as follows: First, the concept of Chinese urban green spaces(g.s.) classified by 5 kinds(park g.s., production g.s., protection g.s., attachment g.s., the others g.s.) placed the park and green spaces in the same category unlike the Korean urban green spaces that only distinguishes between park and green spaces. The Chinese Urban Park is classified by 4 kinds(composite park, community park, special park, linear park) at the 'Standard for urban green spaces classification' which is below in rank of the legal system. Second, in case of calculation for green spaces ratio of urban green spaces in China, the green rooftop landscaping area should not be included as a green spaces area except the rooftop of a basement or semi basement building to which residents have easy access. The green spaces requirements and compulsory secure ratio by 3 habitat kinds(habitat, small habit, minimum habitat) of when to act as a residential plan is regulated. Third, the green spaces system is obligated to establish at habitat green spaces plan and is specified to conserve and improve existing trees and green spaces. The green spaces ratio on reconstruction for old habitat is relaxed to be lower than for new habitat and a gradient of green spaces is peculiarly clarified. The details and requirements for establishment and the minimum area intending for each classes of the central green spaces(habitat park, children park, minimum habitat's green spaces) are regulated. Especially at a garden style of minimum habitat's green spaces, intervals between the south and north houses and a compulsory security for green spaces area classifying into two groups(closing type green spaces and open type green spaces) by a middle-rise or high-rise building are clarified. System of calculation for green spaces area is presented at a special regulation. Fourth, a general index(area/person) of public green spaces within habitat to achieve by 3 habitat kinds is determined, in this case, the index on reconstruction for a deterioration zone can be relaxed to be lower to the extent of a specified quantity. A location and scale, minimum width and minimum area per place of public green spaces are regulated. A space plot principle including adjacent to a road, greening area ratio against total area, security of open space and the shadow line boundary of sunshine are also regulated to intend for public green spaces. Fifth, the minimum horizontal distance between the underground cables and the surrounding greening trees are regulated as the considerable items for green spaces when setting up the underground cables. The principle to establish green spaces within public service facilities is regulated according to the kind of service contents. It shall be examined in order to import or not the special regulations that only exist in Chinese Laws but not in Korean Laws. The result of this study will contribute to gain the domestic landscape architect's' sympathy of the research related to Chinese urban green spaces laws requiring immediate attention and will be a good chance to advance into the internationalization of Korean Landscape Architectural Laws.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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