• Child Health Nursing Research
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.93-111
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• 1996

The purpose of the study is to identify the lived experience of mothers who have children with cerebral palsy in order to understand their agony. Moreover, the result of study was to find some nursing intervention for disabled children and their mothers. For this purpose, ten mothers who are willing to cooperate with this research were selected at random from those who have children with the cerebral palsy, currently using the municipal facilities for the handicapped with cerebral malfunction. Data collection was done from October 4, 1994 th December 31, 1994. The data were collected by asking the mothers mentioned above with some unstructured open-ended questions, recorded on the tapes with permission by the interviewee in order to prevent missing of the interviewed contents. These collected data have been substantiated and properly analyzed on the basis of phenomenological approach initiated by Colaizzi's method. The results and validity are proved to be credible by means of the individual checking of the interviewed mothers. The results of this study are as follows : 1. When the mother is first informed of the diagnosis of cerebral palsy on her child, she usually misses the crucial timing needed for proper treatment of the child's disorder because she is notified through the doctor's indifference and his apparently inactive, matter-of-fact attitude. At first she suspects the doctor's diagnosis and tries to attribute it to the unknown cause from a certain genetic problem and then she quickly wants to deny the whole situation that her child is really suffering from the cerebral palsy. The reality is too much for her to accept as it is and she would not believe her child is abnormal. Therefore, she even attempts depend on the power of God for its solution. 2. The mother, who goes thorough this kind of uncommon experiences, is totally devoted to the treatment and care of the child and completely ignores her own life and happiness. At the same time, she feels sorry for her other normal children she believes having not enough care and concern. Also, she feels sorry for the sick child when the child's brothers or sisters show special concern for the patient out of sympathy. It is sorry and not satisfied for her that the child is growing with abnormality and neighbor other around have inappropriate attitudes. Likewise, she is discontent with her husband's lack of concern about the child's treatment. She believes that the health care system in this society isn't fulfilling its due purpose. In the state of her utmost distress and anxiety, she always feels the need of competent consultants, and is angry about that her child is treated as an abnormal being, she is trying to hide the child from other people and to make him or her disappear, if possible. Although she doesn't have harmonious relation with her husband, she id happy when he shows his affection for the child and she feels relieved and thankful when the relatives don't mention about the child's condition Since the child's overall status of health is continuously in unstable conditions, requiring her all-time readiness for an emergency, she feels guilty of her child's illness toward the fEmily members as if it was her own fault to have borne such an abnormal child and she feels responsible for the child morally and financially if necessary Because her life is centered on taking care of the child, she cannot afford to enjoy her own life and happiness. She is a lonely mother, fatigued, with no proper relationship with other people around her. With this sense of guilt and responsibility as a mother of an unusual disease, she has no choice but to grieve her destiny from which she is not allowed to escape. 3. Nevertheless, the mother with the child suffering from the cerebral palsy does not easily give up the hope of getting her child cured and she believes that in the long run, though slower than hoped, her abnormal son or daughter will be eventually cured to become a normal sibling someday. This kind of hope is sustained by the mother's strong faith coming from observing the progress of other similar children getting better. Sometimes she is encouraged to have this faith by other mothers who share the same painful experiences, believing that her child will improve even more rapidly than others with the same palsy. Full of hope, she painstakingly waits for the child's healing. Moreover, she plans to have another child. she thinks that the patient child's brothers and sisters only can truly understand and look after the patients. However, when she notices that the progress of other children under the treatment does not look so hopeful, she is distressed by the thoughts that her child may never get well. Too, she is worried that the patient's brother or sister will be born as the same invalid with the cerebral disease. She is discouraged to have another baby as much as she is encouraged to. She is also troubled by the thought that in case she has another baby, she will have to be forced. to neglect the patient child, especially when she does have an extra hand or some reliable person to help her with taking care of the patient.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.87-104
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• 2020

Myogilsang on Diamond Mountain, signed and dated (2000) by Seon-u Yeong (1946-2009), is the first work by a North Korean artist to enter the collection of the National Museum of Korea (fig. 1a). The donor acquired the painting directly from the artist in Pyeongyang in 2006. In consequence, there are no issues with the painting's authenticity.This painting is the largest among all existing Korean paintings, whether contemporary or from the Joseon Dynasty, to depict this iconography (see chart 1. A Chronological List of Korean Myogilsang Paintings.) It is ink and color on paper, measures 130.2 × 56.2 centimeters, and is in a hanging scroll format. Since this essay is intended as a brief introduction of the painting and not in-depth research into it, I will simply examine the following four areas: 1. Seon-u Yeong's background; 2. The location and the traditional appellation of the rock-cut image known as Myogilsang; 3. The iconography of the image; and 4) A comparative analysis of Seon-u Yeong's painting in light of other paintings on the same theme. Finally, I will present two more of his works to broaden the understanding of Seon-u Yeong as a painter. 1. Seon-u Yeong: According to the donor, who met Seon-u at his workshop in the Cheollima Jejakso (Flying Horse Workshop) three years before the artist's death, he was an individual of few words but displayed a firm commitment to art. His preference for subjects such as Korean landscapes rather than motifs of socialist realism such as revolutionary leaders is demonstrated by the fact that, relative to his North Korean contemporaries, he seems to have produced more paintings of the former. In recent years, Seon-u Yeong has been well publicized in Korea through three special exhibitions (2012 through 2019). He graduated from Pyeongyang College of Fine Arts in 1969 and joined the Central Fine Arts Production Workshop focusing on oil painting. In 1973 he entered the Joseon Painting Production Workshop and began creating traditional Korean paintings in ink and color. His paintings are characterized by intense colors and fine details. The fact that his mother was an accomplished embroidery specialist may have influenced on Seon-u's choice to use intense colors in his paintings. By 1992, he had become a painter representing the Democratic People's Republic of Korea with several titles such as Artist of Merit, People's Artist, and more. About 60 of his paintings have been designated as National Treasures of the DPRK. 2. The Myogilsang rock-cut image is located in the Manpok-dong Valley in the inner Geumgangsan Mountain area. It is a high-relief image about 15 meters tall cut into a niche under 40 meters of a rock cliff. It is the largest of all the rock-cut images of the Goryeo period. This image is often known as "Mahayeon Myogilsang," Mahayeon (Mahayana) being the name of a small temple deep in the Manpokdong Valley (See fig. 3a & 3b). On the right side of the image, there is an intaglio inscription of three Chinese characters by the famous scholar-official and calligrapher Yun Sa-guk (1728-1709) reading "妙吉祥"myogilsang (fig. 4a, 4b). 3. The iconography: "Myogilsang" is another name for the Bhodhisattva Mañjuśrī. The Chinese pronunciation of Myogilsang is "miaojixiang," which is similar in pronunciation to Mañjuśrī. Therefore, we can suggest a 妙吉祥 ↔ Mañjuśrī formula for the translation and transliteration of the term. Even though the image was given a traditional name, the mudra presented by the two hands in the image calls for a closer examination. They show the making of a circle by joining the thumb with the ring finger (fig. 6). If the left land pointed downward, this mudra would conventionally be considered "lower class: lower life," one of the nine mudras of the Amitabha. However, in this image the left hand is placed across its abdomen at an almost 90-degree angle to the right hand (fig. 6). This can be interpreted as a combination of the "fear not" and the "preaching" mudras (see note 10, D. Saunders). I was also advised by the noted Buddhist art specialist Professor Kim Jeong-heui (of Won'gwang University) to presume that this is the "preaching" mudra. Therefore, I have tentatively concluded that this Myogilsang is an image of the Shakyamuni offering the preaching mudra. There is no such combination of hand gestures in any other Goryeo-period images. The closest I could identify is the Beopjusa Rock-cut Buddha (fig. 7) from around the same time. 4. Comparative analysis: As seen in , except for the two contemporary paintings, all others on this chart are in ink or ink and light color. Also, none of them included the fact that the image is under a 40-meter cliff. In addition, the Joseon-period paintings all depicted the rock-cut image as if it were a human figure, using soft brushstrokes and rounded forms. None of these paintings accurately rendered the mudra from the image as did Seon-u. Only his painting depicts the natural setting of the image under the cliff along with a realistic rendering of the image. However, by painting the tall cliff in dark green and by eliminating elements on either side of the rock-cut image, the artist was able to create an almost surreal atmosphere surrounding the image. Herein lies the uniqueness of Seon-u Yeong's version. The left side of Seon-u's 2007 work Mount Geumgang (fig. 8) lives up to his reputation as a painter who depicts forms (rocks in this case) in minute detail, but in the right half of the composition it also shows his skill at presenting a sense of space. In contrast, Wave (fig. 9), a work completed one year before his death, displays his faithfulness to the traditions of ink painting. Even based on only three paintings by Seon-u Yeong, it seems possible to assess his versatility in both traditional ink and color mediums.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.19-48
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• 1974

Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.55-66
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• 1967

In view of its prevalence in the Far East area, a more detailed knowledge on the hookworm infection is one of the very important medical problems. The present study was aimed to; determine the infectivity of the artificially hatched ancylostoma duodenale larvae in man after its oral administration, evaluate the clinical symptomatology of such infection, determine the date of first appearance of the ova in the stool, calculate the blood loss per worm per day, assess the relation-ships between the ova count, infectivity(worm load), blood loss and severity of anemia. An erythrokinetic study was also done to analyse the characteristics of hookworm anemia by means of $^{59}Fe\;and\;^{51}Cr$. Materials and Methods Ten healthy male volunteers(doctors, medical students and laboratory technicians) with the ages ranging from 21 to 40 years were selected as the experimental materials. They had no history of hookworm infection for preceding several years, and care was taken not to be exposed to reinfection. A baseline study including a through physical examinations and laboratory investigations such as complete blood counts, stool examination and estimation of the serum iron levels was done, and a vermifuge, bephenium hydroxynaphoate, was given 10 days prior to the main experiment. The ancylostoma duodenale filariform larvae were obtained in the following manner; The pure ancylostoma duodenale ova were obtained from the hookworm anemia patients and a modified filter paper method was adopted to harvest larger number of infective larvae, which were washed several times with saline. The actively moving mature larvae were put into the gelatine capsules, 150 in each, and were given to the volunteers in the fasting state with 300ml. of water. The volunteers were previously treated with intramuscular injection of 15mg. of chlorpromazine in order to prevent the eventual nausea and vomiting after the larvae intake. The clinical symptoms and signs mainly of the respiratory and gastrointestinal tracts, appearance of the ova and occult blood in the stool etc. were checked every day for the first 20 days and then twice weekly until the end of the experiment, which usually lasted for about 3 months. Roentgenological survey of the lungs was also done. The hematological changes such as the red blood cell, white blood cell and eosinophil cell counts, hemoglobin content and serum iron levels were studied. The appearance of the ova in the stool was examined by the formalin ether method and the ova were counted in triplicate on two successive days using the Stoll's dilution method. The ferrokinetic data were calculated by the modified Huff's method and the apparent half survival time of the red blood cells by the modified Gray's method. The isotopes were simultaneously tagged and injected intravenously, and then the stool and blood samples were collected as was described by Roche et al., namely, three separate 4-day stool samples with the blood sample drawing before each 4-day stool collection. The radio-activities of the stools ashfied and the blood were separately measured by the pulse-height analyser. The daily blood loss was calculated with the following formula; daily blood loss in $ml.=\frac{cpm/g\;stool{\times}weight\;in\;g\;of\;4-day\;stool}{cpm/ml\;blood{\times}4}$ The average of these three 4-day periods was given as the daily blood loss in each patient. The blood loss per day per worm was calculated by simply dividing the daily blood loss by the number of the hookworm recovered after the vermifuge given twice a week at the termination of the experiment. The iron loss in mg. through the gastrointestinal tract was estimated with the daily iron loss in $mg=\frac{g\;Hgb/100ml{\times}ml\;daily\;blood\;loss{\times}3.40}{100}$ 3.40=mg of iron per g Hgb following formula; Results 1. The respiratory symptoms such as cough and sputum were noted in almost all cases within a week after the infection, which lasted about 2 weeks. The roentgenological findings of the chest were essentially normal. A moderate degree of febril reaction appeared within 2 weeks with a duration of 3 or 4 days. 2. The gastrointestinal symptoms such as nausea, epigastric fullness, abdominal pain and loose bowel appeared in all cases immediately after the larvae intake. 3. The reduction of the red blood cell count was not remarkable, however, the hemoglobin content and especially the serum iron level showed the steady decreases until the end of the experiment. 4. The white blood cells and eosinophil cells, on the contrary, showed increases in parallel and reached peaks in 20 to 30 days after the infection. A small secondary rise was noted in 2 months. 5. The ova first appeared in the stool in 40. 1 days after the infection, ranging from 29 to 51 days, during which the occult blood reaction of the stool became also positive in almost cases. 6. The number of ova recovered per day was 164, 320 on the average, ranging from 89,500 to 253,800. The number of the worm evacuated by vermifuge was in rough correlation with the number of ova recovered. 7. The infectivity of ancylostoma duodenale was 14% on the average, ranging from 7.3 to 20.0%, which is relatively lower than those reported by other workers. 8. The mean fecal blood loss was 5.78ml. per day, with a range of from 2.6 to 11.7ml., and the mean blood loss per worm per day was 0.30ml., with a range of from 0.13 to 0.73ml., which is in rough coincidence with those reported by other authors. There appeared to exist, however, no correlation between the blood loss and the number of ova recovered. 9. The mean fecal iron loss was 2.02mg. per day, with a range of from 1.20 to 3.89mg., which is less than those appeared in the literature. 10. The mean plasma iron disappearance rate was 0.80hr., with a range of from 0.62 to 0.95hr., namely, a slight accerelation. 11. The hookworm anemia appeared to be iron deficiency in origin caused by continuous intestinal blood loss.

• 대한공업교육학회지
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.218-239
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• 2013

This study aims to understand the status of mandatory military service planning and career barrier recognition as well as to analyze the difference between how students perceive mandatory military service as a potential barrier to their future careers(career barrier recognition) and career preparation behavior by the mandatory military service planning level among male college students. For the purpose, inquiries for the subject were set up as follows. 1. What are the levels of mandatory military service planning and career barrier recognition? 2. Is there a difference in career barrier recognition depending on the level of mandatory military service planning? 3. Is there a difference in career preparation behaviour depending on the level of mandatory military service planning? This study found out the level of mandatory military service, military barrier recognition and career preparation behavior of 284 male students from 4 universities in Daejeon and Chungnam area. Along with that, descriptive statistic, correlation analysis and t-test were conducted with SPSS 17.0 program The results of this study are as follows: First, 79.2% of male students have higher mandatory military service planning than the average value. Meanwhile, considering 3 sub-factors of mandatory military service planning, the ratio of those with high scores in practicality is lower than importance and concreteness. Based on this, it is assumable that they have a low perception for practical and concrete behaviors such as data collection in mandatory military service planning, which indicates their awareness has not developed into concrete behaviors even though they recognize the importance of planning. Also 73.9% of male students responded higher career barrier recognition than the average value shows that they recognize mandatory military service as a barrier relatively highly. Especially, those who answered "Very much" (7 scores) for every inquiry in career barrier recognition accounted for 16.9%, which forms the biggest group. and considering the response by each inquiry, it is ascertained that they consider the absence by mandatory military service time or military service as the biggest difficulty. Second, the difference in career barrier recognition between the top 30% and bottom 30% of mandatory military service planning is not statistically significant. However, in terms of importance and the sub-factor of mandatory military service planning, a significant inter-group difference in career barrier recognition is shown. In other words, to join the military is recognized as an obstacle in their career barrier recognition regardless of the mandatory military service planning level. Also, a group which considers the importance of the mandatory military service planning highly recognizes the military as the bigger obstacle compared to the other groups which are not considered in this way. Third, the difference in career barrier recognition between the top 30% and the bottom 30% of the mandatory military service planning is statistically significant. The need of mandatory military service planning is marked by the fact that those with a high level of mandatory military service planning show stronger career barrier recognition than those without plans. Through the study, the need of mandatory military service planning is suggested to both male students and career consultants considering the mandatory military service from a perspective of career based on Korean reality. Also, as precedent studies on pre-inducted men can be hardly found currently, this study is significant in accumulating empirical data about mandatory military service, a unique characteristic of the Korean career development process.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.18
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• pp.169-190
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• 2009

Today, the rapid advance of scientific technologies has brought about fundamental changes to the types and levels of terrorism while the war against the world more than one thousand small and big terrorists and crime organizations has already begun. A method highly likely to be employed by terrorist groups that are using 21st Century state of the art technology is cyber terrorism. In many instances, things that you could only imagine in reality could be made possible in the cyber space. An easy example would be to randomly alter a letter in the blood type of a terrorism subject in the health care data system, which could inflict harm to subjects and impact the overturning of the opponent's system or regime. The CIH Virus Crisis which occurred on April 26, 1999 had significant implications in various aspects. A virus program made of just a few lines by Taiwanese college students without any specific objective ended up spreading widely throughout the Internet, causing damage to 30,000 PCs in Korea and over 2 billion won in monetary damages in repairs and data recovery. Despite of such risks of cyber terrorism, a great number of Korean sites are employing loose security measures. In fact, there are many cases where a company with millions of subscribers has very slackened security systems. A nationwide preparation for cyber terrorism is called for. In this context, this research will analyze the current status of Korea's cyber security systems and its laws from a policy perspective, and move on to propose improvement strategies. This research suggests the following solutions. First, the National Cyber Security Management Act should be passed to have its effectiveness as the national cyber security management regulation. With the Act's establishment, a more efficient and proactive response to cyber security management will be made possible within a nationwide cyber security framework, and define its relationship with other related laws. The newly passed National Cyber Security Management Act will eliminate inefficiencies that are caused by functional redundancies dispersed across individual sectors in current legislation. Second, to ensure efficient nationwide cyber security management, national cyber security standards and models should be proposed; while at the same time a national cyber security management organizational structure should be established to implement national cyber security policies at each government-agencies and social-components. The National Cyber Security Center must serve as the comprehensive collection, analysis and processing point for national cyber crisis related information, oversee each government agency, and build collaborative relations with the private sector. Also, national and comprehensive response system in which both the private and public sectors participate should be set up, for advance detection and prevention of cyber crisis risks and for a consolidated and timely response using national resources in times of crisis.

• Journal of dental hygiene science
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.85-96
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to propose learning objectives in social dental hygiene by analyzing and reviewing learning objectives in oral health administration area of the existing public oral health. This study is a cross-sectional study. The subjects of the study selected with convenience extraction were 15 members of the social dental hygiene subcommittee of the Korean Society of Dental Hygiene Science. Data collection was conducted by self-filling questionnaire. The research tool is from 48 items of A division in the book of learning objectives in the dental hygienist national examination, and this study classified each of them into 'dental hygiene job relevance', 'dental hygiene competency relevance', 'timeliness', and 'value discrimination of educational goal setting' to comprise 192 items. Also, to collect expert opinions, this study conducted Delphi survey on 7 academic experts. Statistical analysis was performed using the IBM SPSS Statistics ver. 23.0 program (IBM Co., Armonk, NY, USA). Recoding was performed according to the degree of relevance of each learning objective and frequency analysis was performed. This study removed 18 items from the whole learning objectives in the dental hygienist national examination in the oral health administration area of public oral health. Fifteen revisions were made and 15 existing learning objectives were maintained. Forty-five learning objectives were proposed as new social dental hygiene learning objectives. The topics of learning objectives are divided into social security and medical assistance, oral health care system, oral health administration, and oral health policy. As a result of this study, it was necessary to construct the learning objectives of social dental hygiene in response to changing situation at the time. The contents of education should be revised in order of revision of learning objectives, development of competency, development of learning materials, and national examination.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.22 no.4
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• pp.109-122
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• 2016

Recently, big data analysis has developed into a field of interest to individuals and non-experts as well as companies and professionals. Accordingly, it is utilized for marketing and social problem solving by analyzing the data currently opened or collected directly. In Korea, various companies and individuals are challenging big data analysis, but it is difficult from the initial stage of analysis due to limitation of big data disclosure and collection difficulties. Nowadays, the system improvement for big data activation and big data disclosure services are variously carried out in Korea and abroad, and services for opening public data such as domestic government 3.0 (data.go.kr) are mainly implemented. In addition to the efforts made by the government, services that share data held by corporations or individuals are running, but it is difficult to find useful data because of the lack of shared data. In addition, big data traffic problems can occur because it is necessary to download and examine the entire data in order to grasp the attributes and simple information about the shared data. Therefore, We need for a new system for big data processing and utilization. First, big data pre-analysis technology is needed as a way to solve big data sharing problem. Pre-analysis is a concept proposed in this paper in order to solve the problem of sharing big data, and it means to provide users with the results generated by pre-analyzing the data in advance. Through preliminary analysis, it is possible to improve the usability of big data by providing information that can grasp the properties and characteristics of big data when the data user searches for big data. In addition, by sharing the summary data or sample data generated through the pre-analysis, it is possible to solve the security problem that may occur when the original data is disclosed, thereby enabling the big data sharing between the data provider and the data user. Second, it is necessary to quickly generate appropriate preprocessing results according to the level of disclosure or network status of raw data and to provide the results to users through big data distribution processing using spark. Third, in order to solve the problem of big traffic, the system monitors the traffic of the network in real time. When preprocessing the data requested by the user, preprocessing to a size available in the current network and transmitting it to the user is required so that no big traffic occurs. In this paper, we present various data sizes according to the level of disclosure through pre - analysis. This method is expected to show a low traffic volume when compared with the conventional method of sharing only raw data in a large number of systems. In this paper, we describe how to solve problems that occur when big data is released and used, and to help facilitate sharing and analysis. The client-server model uses SPARK for fast analysis and processing of user requests. Server Agent and a Client Agent, each of which is deployed on the Server and Client side. The Server Agent is a necessary agent for the data provider and performs preliminary analysis of big data to generate Data Descriptor with information of Sample Data, Summary Data, and Raw Data. In addition, it performs fast and efficient big data preprocessing through big data distribution processing and continuously monitors network traffic. The Client Agent is an agent placed on the data user side. It can search the big data through the Data Descriptor which is the result of the pre-analysis and can quickly search the data. The desired data can be requested from the server to download the big data according to the level of disclosure. It separates the Server Agent and the client agent when the data provider publishes the data for data to be used by the user. In particular, we focus on the Big Data Sharing, Distributed Big Data Processing, Big Traffic problem, and construct the detailed module of the client - server model and present the design method of each module. The system designed on the basis of the proposed model, the user who acquires the data analyzes the data in the desired direction or preprocesses the new data. By analyzing the newly processed data through the server agent, the data user changes its role as the data provider. The data provider can also obtain useful statistical information from the Data Descriptor of the data it discloses and become a data user to perform new analysis using the sample data. In this way, raw data is processed and processed big data is utilized by the user, thereby forming a natural shared environment. The role of data provider and data user is not distinguished, and provides an ideal shared service that enables everyone to be a provider and a user. The client-server model solves the problem of sharing big data and provides a free sharing environment to securely big data disclosure and provides an ideal shared service to easily find big data.

• Journal of Intelligence and Information Systems
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.91-108
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• 2020

Korea's famous soccer players are steadily performing well in international leagues, which led to higher interests of Korean fans in the international leagues. Reflecting the growing social phenomenon of rising interests on international leagues by Korean fans, the study examined the overall consumer perception in the consumption of uniform by domestic soccer fans and compared the changes in perception following the transfers of the players. Among others, the paper examined the consumer perception and purchase factors of soccer fans shown in social media, focusing on periods before and after the recruitment of Heung-Min Son to English Premier League's Tottenham Football Club. To this end, the EPL uniform is the collection keyword the paper utilized and collected consumer postings from domestic website and social media via Python 3.7, and analyzed them using Ucinet 6, NodeXL 1.0.1, and SPSS 25.0 programs. The results of this study can be summarized as follows. First, the uniform of the club that consistently topped the league, has been gaining attention as a popular uniform, and the players' performance, and the players' position have been identified as key factors in the purchase and search of professional football uniforms. In the case of the club, the actual ranking and whether the league won are shown to be important factors in the purchase and search of professional soccer uniforms. The club's emblem and the sponsor logo that will be attached to the uniform are also factors of interest to consumers. In addition, in the decision making process of purchase of a uniform by professional soccer fan, uniform's form, marking, authenticity, and sponsors are found to be more important than price, design, size, and logo. The official online store has emerged as a major purchasing channel, followed by gifts for friends or requests from acquaintances when someone travels to the United Kingdom. Second, a classification of key control categories through the convergence of iteration correlation analysis and Clauset-Newman-Moore clustering algorithm shows differences in the classification of individual groups, but groups that include the EPL's club and player keywords are identified as the key topics in relation to professional football uniforms. Third, between 2002 and 2006, the central theme for professional football uniforms was World Cup and English Premier League, but from 2012 to 2015, the focus has shifted to more interest of domestic and international players in the English Premier League. The subject has changed to the uniform itself from this time on. In this context, the paper can confirm that the major issues regarding the uniforms of professional soccer players have changed since Ji-Sung Park's transfer to Manchester United, and Sung-Yong Ki, Chung-Yong Lee, and Heung-Min Son's good performances in these leagues. The paper also identified that the uniforms of the clubs to which the players have transferred to are of interest. Fourth, both male and female consumers are showing increasing interest in Son's league, the English Premier League, which Tottenham FC belongs to. In particular, the increasing interest in Son has shown a tendency to increase interest in football uniforms for female consumers. This study presents a variety of researches on sports consumption and has value as a consumer study by identifying unique consumption patterns. It is meaningful in that the accuracy of the interpretation has been enhanced by using a cluster analysis via convergence of iteration correlation analysis and Clauset-Newman-Moore clustering algorithm to identify the main topics. Based on the results of this study, the clubs will be able to maximize its profits and maintain good relationships with fans by identifying key drivers of consumer awareness and purchasing for professional soccer fans and establishing an effective marketing strategy.

• Childhood Kidney Diseases
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.166-173
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• 2003

Purpose : The cause and pathogenesis of $Henoch-Sch\"{o}nlein$ purpura has been studied for many years but the results are disappointing. Recently the hypothesis that abnormalities involving the glycosylation of the hinge region of immunoglobulin Al(IgAl) may have an important role in the pathogenesis of $Henoch-Sch\"{o}nlein$ purpura is being approved. $Henoch-Sch\"{o}nlein$ purpura is the most common vasculitis Ihat affects children and the prognosis is good. But if kidney invovement occurs, the course may be chronic and troublesome. So we evaluated children with $Henoch-Sch\"{o}nlein$ purpura especially from the point of epidemiology and clinical manifestations. Methods : Investigation of 124 children who were diagnosed with $Henoch-Sch\"{o}nlein$ purpura at Inje University Ilsan Paik Hospital from December 1999 to July 2003 was performed retrospectively through chart review. Efforts were made to get informations about the profile, epidemiology, clinical manifestations, progress of the disease and recurrence rate of patients. Results : The patients were 69 boys and 55 girls, with a mean age of $6.1{\pm}2.7$ years at the time of data collection. The male to female ratio was 1.25 : 1. The occurrence rate was much higher in autumn(from September to November, 31.5%) and winter(from December to February, 28.2%) than in spring and summer, with a peak in November. Joint involvement was shown in 66.9% of patients mostly on the foot/ankle(75.9%), knee(39.8%). Seventy(56.5%) out of 124 patients had abdominal pain and 10 patients(8.1%) showed bloody stools. Renal involvement was observed in 24 patients(19.4%) after 21.1 days on the average. IgA was elevated in 10 of 21 patients(47.6%). $C_3$ and $C_4$ levels were normal in 40 of 49 patients (81.7%) and 47 of 48 patients(97.9%), respectively Antistreptolysin-O(ASO) titer was elevated over 250 Todd units in 29 of 62 Patients(46.8%). Mycoplasma antibody titer was elevated in 21 of 49 patients(42.9%) equal or greater than 1:80. Radiologic studies were peformed in 23 patients. Seven patients(30.4%) showed bowel wall thickening and one of them received intestinal resection and anastomosis operation due to terminal ileum necrosis. Eighty four patients took steroid 1.4 mg/kg/day in average. Recurrence rate was 2.5 in 37 patients(29.8%). Conclusion : $Henoch-Sch\"{o}nlein$ purpura in childhood appears most in about 6 years of age. The occurrence rate is much higher in autumn and winter relatively. Diagnosis can be made through the perspective history taking and the inspection of clinical manifestations, but the laboratory findings are not of great help. A small portion of the patients might show abdominal pain or arthritis before purpura develops, therfore various diagnosis can be made. Radiologic evaluation should be performed to avoid surgical complications in cases accompanying abdominal pain, and long term follow up should be needed especially in patients suffering from kidney involvement. In about 30% of the patients $Henoch-Sch\"{o}nlein$ purpura would recur. Steroid can be used safely without side effects.