• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.5
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• pp.97-111
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• 2021

The purpose of this study was to analyze commemoration characteristics of the United States of America, the Commonwealth, and Germany through representative 14 military cemeteries of World war II in Western Europe. Based on the commemoration characteristics such as spacial characteristic, commemorative elements, and graves and headstone, the commemoration culture among U.S., the Commonwealth. and Germany were studied comparatively. The results are as follows. First, taking geometrical form with mainly square type, rarely circle and spiral patterned, most cemeteries were structured spatial central axis with symmetry, those cemeteries were styled neoclassical, but some of the U.S. cemeteries were modernistic, connecting spaces organically with curved line layout. Second, chapel, the wall of missing, the wall of battle map, and sculpture in the U.S military cemeteries, and 'the cross of sacrifice' and 'the stone of remembrance' as classical monument in the Commonwealth war cemeteries were commonly applied standardized commemorative elements, but commemorative monuments in German military cemeteries were restricted except monumental cross. Third, the symbolic cross of christianism was used all cemeteries to console and cherish the soul of soldiers, specially the Latin crosses in the U.S military cemeteries delivered political message as the american martyr for Western Europe and also the power of the U.S., but the cross in German and the Commonwealth war cemeteries were basically cherish and comfort individual spirit. Fourth, showing the power of victory with national patriotism, the U.S. strongly represented christianism and liberal democracy against communism, the Commonwealth showed imperialistic style, and German military cemeteries were quietly appeared as traditional style forwarding reconciliation and peace. This study suggest the war cemeteries have national identity with typical form and symbolic aesthetics. Further study will be required to materialize sublime commemoration in national cemeteries and to form advanced commemorative culture in Korea.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.99-107
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• 2011

This study is aiming to acquire data for enhancing genuineness of restoration through reviewing external and internal scenery of Baegun-dong Wonlim such as Baegun-dong 8 Objects of Scenery(pines, bamboos, chrysanthemum, orchid, maehwa blossom, magnolia, fiddle and crane) and 12 Scenic Spots and reviewing internal and external scenery of Baegun-dong Wonlim such as views and scenery for plantation. For Baegun-dong 8 Young which sang songs about scenic spots of Baegun-dong Wonlim it seemed that its head words were formed through borrowing rhyming words from caption of Baegun-dong Yuseogi(白雲洞幽棲記). Accordingly it seemed these scenery secured its status of Wonlim from the beginning. Particularly the words of fiddle and crane in 琴棋書畵(Geumgisuhha) implied that playing Komungo and brushwriting were firmly rooted as romantic pursuits of classical scholars of that time. In consideration of distance upto Okpanbong which is one of 12 scenic spots of Baegun-dong radius of outer circumference is estimated to be around 1.6km. From Okgpanbong, the epicenter, Sandagyeong, Baegokmae, Hongokpok and Pungdan etc. correspond to transitional space. And inner scenery was formed with hub of thatched cottages and bowers surrounded with chrysanthemums, poenies, rhododendron, Phyllostachys bambusoides, pines and upper and lower water paths. Thus it seemed there was scenic structure of centrifugal nature as well as of multiplicity. Forms of majority of water paths with residual structure found in the country have streamlined forms on the other hand Baegun-dong water paths have straight line which almost dominate inner gardens in terms of scale and forms thus revealing its extraordinary idea and design. In order to promote genuine restoration of Baegun-dong Wonlim it will be necessary to have consideration from standpoint of managing perspective to assure presentation of gradual scenery with elements of scenic objects for outer view among 12 Scenic Spots.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.59-95
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• 2016

The purpose of this study was to examine the text and musical characteristic of , a changgeuk (a Korean traditional opera), by the National Theater of Korea, which was performed overseas with the title of and recognized its artistic values home and abroad alike, focusing on the process of its rebirth from a lost pansori. A changgeuk was dramatized from a lost pansori into a Korean traditional opera. In the process of rebirth of , the content of latter half, which is the performance of a funeral service for the deceased Byeongangsoe, was deleted, and the contents of Ongnyeo's fight against jangseungs in order to take back Byeongangsoe was newly inserted, thus creating textual changes. In addition, as the title presents, Ongnyeo is no longer a conventional lewd woman, but a subjective and independent female who is fighting against fate, different from its original perspective in which the leading character is Byeongangsoe. All the sounds of a changgeuk were made by the creative technique of traditional Korean songs through various attempts, such as inserting chords between performers in order to present most appropriate songs for the opera, namely proper sounds for the hidden side of the opera. In addition, according to the change of mind of performers or characters, the tone and vocal sound of the song were different. In particular, a changgeuk attempted a variety of techniques in the accompaniment of music, and used many sound buks or diverse genres such as popular music, waltz, classic and folk songs of every province, thus presenting challenging attempts. These attempts made the opera more abundant and helped it to be expressed realistically and dramatically. As above, the contents of a changgeuk were borrowed from classical narrations, but its musical aspects got off the technique of traditional changgeuk, thus attempting various changes and techniques. In this vein, it presented a novel modality of changgeuk equiping with the characteristic of 'reviewing the old and learning the new,' thus proposing the directivity and possibility of changgeuk in the present society.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.25
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• pp.251-292
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• 2009

In this thesis, the status of Pre-Chin Study of One Hundred Schools in the history of Korean thoughts, and in addition, the reception of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's ideology and the aspect of its development in Korea were examined. Moreover, the different understandings of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu and their trend of the times were summarized through the intellectuals' collection of works from the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty to 18-19 century. What was revealed through the study can be summed up as the followings. From the age of Three States to the middle part of Goryeo Dynasty, few intellectuals regarded other schools or philosophers among Study of One Hundred Schools as heresies and blamed them. However, since Mencius had been established as the legitimate classical scripture of Confucianism after the end of Goryeo Dynasty and the beginning of Cho Sun Dynasty, other Pre-Chin philosophers including $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu had started to be regarded and criticized as heresies. Intellectuals of Goryeo Dynasty and the early Cho Sun Dynasty made various estimates on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's doctrine of the evilness of human nature, but we can see the understanding of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became deeper. In the heyday of Neo-Confucianism in Cho Sun Dynasty, the intensity of the criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu by intellectuals rather tended to decrease, compared to that of the early Cho Sun Dynasty, which produced contrary evidence that the world view of Sung Confucianism, based on Mencius' doctrine of the goodness of human nature, had been already established. Also, even the intellectuals criticizing the evilness of human nature positively quoted $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's other ideas in general. In 17th century, there were some arguments to conclude $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu as Legalism, but the general trend came to accept Study of One Hundred Schools constructively, challenging the authority of Sung Confucianism, or based on positive school. In 18th century, it can be confirmed that the understanding on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu became broader, and particularly in the historical research of letters, $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu's original texts and annotations were used in many ways. In short, the intellectuals' criticism on $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu in Cho Sun Dynasty was always grounded on his argument of the evilness of human nature, and furthermore, on connecting it to Legalism, related to the Fenshukengru. On the other hand, it can be said that they generally accepted other ideas of $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu positively, except for the idea of the evilness of human nature. However, it's worth paying attention to the fact that those intellectuals who criticized $Hs{\ddot{u}}n$ Tzu could easily meet with the books of Study of One Hundred Schools, and relatively had an open attitude in terms of knowledge.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.55
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• pp.147-172
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• 2014

Kang Jae Eung translated "Sang-bong-lok" of Kang Ho Boo from Korean into Chinese. There is Yeonhaengnok(燕行錄) written in with Korean and Chinese among 500 Yeonhaengnok(燕行錄). Especially it is very rare that is translated from Korean into Chinese. Because of there aspect, it is valuable and worth studying. "Sang-bong-lok" was 3 series by origin, but now we have only 2 series. That is the original text written in Chinese by Kang Ho Boo, a Korean version by Kang Ho Boo, and Chinese translated of Korean version by his descindants Kang Jae Eung. Original text dosen't exists now undiscovered yet. Chinese version "Sang-bong-lok" is distinguished from the other Yeonhaengnok(燕行錄) and classical novel in form and contents. In formal aspect, Chinese version "Sang-bong-lok" describes an industry remarks in prologue. This industry remark describes standard and form of writing. Looking industry remark, you can find that Kang Jae Eung didn't add or subject the sentence of original text and distinguished between his own sentence and original text. This compiling system distinguishing compiler from original writter is rare enough to so that you cannot find it in other Yeonhaengnok(燕行錄). In contents, Kang Jae Eung almost transcribed Korean Yeonhaengnok(燕行錄) without subtraction and added special information to promote the view of Kang Ho Boo. After discription, Kang Jae Eung covered all information and reviewed it and added opinion to it. Kang Jae Eung's conclusion is sometimes same or different from Kang Ho Boo's. Anyway it is worthy of noticing that Kang Jae Eung wrote his opinion after Kang Ho Boo's sentence.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.495-524
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• 2018

This study investigated the literary theory of Jang Jiyeon and his compilation consciousness of the historical biography, and based on this, the study examined the aspect and characteristic of the personage adoption of "Ilsayusa". To figure out the characteristic of "Ilsayusa", this study attempted to investigate the Jang Jiyeon's cognition on epic literature first. Jang Jiyeon had interest in the historical biography in his early days. But he clearly expressed the negative position about the novels which had been handed down from old times, mentioning about their harmful effect, even though they were in a big popularity. The good readings he thought was supposed to be helpful for person's work, study, personality and even the custom, so it is thought that the compilation of "Ilsayusa" was planned as a part of a usefulness to help readers' actual lives by summarizing Jang Jiyeon's philosophy as the form of a historical biography of personages who had actually existed. The direct motivation and the awareness of the problem to compile "Ilsayusa" could be confirmed by the postscript he left. Pointing that Joseon's policy of appointing persons of ability resulted in the loss of the nation, Jang Jiyeon paid attention to the classical scholars from low class, people from under middle class and the local figures in Hamgyeongdo and Pyeongando in the process of compiling "Ilsayusa". Along with this, a kind of a sense of duty that the old heritage must be examined by descendents was manifested as the compilation of "Ilsayusa". Through this, Jang Jiyeon tried to show the good model to the readers of "Ilsayusa" what the way of living would be for raising their volition and keeping the fundamentals. The tendency and characteristic of compiling personages in "Ilsayusa" could be sorted in a few ways as written below. First, it includes all kinds of all actually existed episodes while he was collecting various historical biographies published before. Second, it includes the new kinds of personages paying particular attention to figures of middle class and commoners. Third, it compiled the female figures in a great volume and described new model of woman. Fourth, for areas, it has episodes of all areas in the nation including Pyeongando and Hamgyeongdo. Thinking about all the discussion above, we could estimate that "Ilsayusa" is the definitive edition of these kinds of books which inherited all performances of the biographical literature in better way, which had been accomplished in 19th century.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.441-471
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• 2009

Both in the East and the West, the most classical question in political philosophy was 'what is truly a good life?' 'Good life' and 'good politics' are thus essentially tied together. Mencius (孟子, B.C385-303/302) was not exception to this belief. It is not an exaggeration that his Mencius, the treatise that encapsulates his whole views, begins and ends with good life and good politics. He began with new definitions of good life and politics and the rest elaborates why they are so. This paper attempts to systematically approach to what Mencius thinks as a good life in terms of political thoughts. Confucius, his intellectual mentor, asserted that the most humane human life is a civilized life and it means to realize the value of 'Yin (仁: Grace)' and thus set his good life from previous ones. Mencius concurred that Confucius's explication of the good life was right. Moreover, he argued that to realize this, political practice should follow. The 'good life' for Mencius consists of 1) the life in which the ruler does not monopolize joy but shares it with people, that is '$Y{\breve{o}}mindongrak$(與民同樂)' or '$Y{\breve{o}}minhaerak$(與民偕樂)' and 2) the life, based on this political foundation, that pursues the life of 'Five Ethics (五倫)' in which each individual member of society has its share in it. Mencius discussed about 'Four Virtues (四德)', the essential goodness of human, confirmed by 'Four Clues (四端)' to talk about the possibility of realizing the good life. On the other hand, he devised the political device of '$YinJ{\breve{o}}ng$ (仁政: Gracious Politics)' as a practical tool for it. Furthermore, he asserted 'Good people theory (養民論)' as the first condition for the good politics, '$YinJ{\breve{o}}ng$' and 'Education of people theory (敎民論)' as the final one. As Mencius inherited Confucius effort for a good life with the theory of '$YinJ{\breve{o}}ng$', the so-called Zhuxi scholars inherited his as 'Sugichiin (修己治人: cultivate yourself and then order society)' after 1500.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.50
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• pp.89-120
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• 2013

The concept of virtue seems to be one of the rare cases where the European and the Chinese traditions coincide. The meaning of the Latin word virtus and of Greek $aret{\acute{e}}$ seems to be similar to the Chinese $d{\acute{e}}$德. Most striking in virtue is that it is a capacity for self-realisation through action which is unique to man. On the other hand, there is something physical about it. It is the strength to do something. This strength overcomes the resistance of what is naturally given, it transforms the world, turns the natural world into a human one. In the Chinese tradition, $d{\acute{e}}$ 德, i.e. virtue, is therefore always connected with $da{\grave{o}}$ 道, the totality of natural forces. In the Chinese tradition, as opposed to the European one, virtue is itself considered to be a natural force that is present in man. This force sustains man's connectedness, unity and harmony with the surrounding world. Things exist through the unity of principle理 and ether氣. But the knowledge of this unity is due to principle. Moral and legal norms are shifted totally to the sphere of principle. Therefore their have found the final dissolution from a heroic models. Above all the classical Confucians, but also the other schools, would reply to this that there is nothing more precise than a concrete successful action. Its result fits the world perfectly. The difference is due to the differing interest of ethical thought. In the case of the Confucians the path is more direct. The actor establishes a precise pattern for other actions. Education therefore lies in detailed knowledge about forms of behaviour, not so much in conceptual differentiation. It is quite possible that generalisation may be a methodical prerequisite for success in this endeavour. That problem, too, is discussed. But the success of conceptualisation lies in the successful performance of individual actions, not in shaping actions in accordance with normative concepts.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.9-33
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• 2018

This paper examines the literary theory of Gollyun(昆侖) Choe, Changdae(崔昌大, 1669-1720). He has authored a variety of works, and his works have been recognized in many literatures. Because of this, studying his literature is a meaningful. The theory of poem creation is as follows. It is the basic poem creationism that expresses the feelings that I experienced and felt as it is. The utility is to multiply and control the artist's feelings through his poem. However, the creative theory of being the best writer is different from this. It must be premised on finding from the heart and studying various books. If these qualities was provided, the words are clear and the meaning is condensed. He distinguished between general works and the best works, and presented their own creative theory and discussed their utility. The theory of prose utility is as follows. He emphasizes the importance of communicating with contemporaries and establishing important things of the day and making them easier to understand, without specifying the morality. This is a thoroughly realistic utility theory. In the classical chinese prose's history, 'Sadal(辭達)' and 'Susa(修辭)' were issues. He transcends the recognition of 'Sadal(辭達)' and 'Susa(修辭)' as zero-sum. In addition, he gives priority to the meaning of the writer and emphasizes self-realization, which is in common with other political soron(少論) writers' theories. When creating prose, simplicity and bizarreness were issues. He emphasizes concise writing. However, it can be realized when a writer with high opinion is aware of the reason and raises the core. Through various sources, he has completely rejected Ming(明) dynasty's former and latter seven master(前後七子). However, he did not exclude their work unilaterally, and recognized the work of Chin-Han dynasty(秦漢) and Dang-Song dynasty(唐宋). This is the same as his father Choiseokjung(崔錫鼎). He recognized Chin-Han dynasty(秦漢) and Dang-Song dynasty(唐宋) equally, and sought a simplified and summarized style.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.179-204
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• 2017

Hojil(虎叱) and Yangbanjeon(兩班傳) reveal the characteristic styles of Park Jiwon(朴趾源)'s writing, which is combining styles of unofficial history/biography(外傳) and allegory(寓言), and full of the senses of satire and humour which form another characteristc of his writing style or tone. This paper reexamines narrative styles, meaning structures and themes of these two works which combine the styles of unofficial history/biography and allegory, and researches methods and techniques of allegory and satire which presents the subversive and critical themes and thoughts of the author. In Hojil, combining of the two styles, the author constructs the narrative world and plot, manipulates allegoric figures to symbolize and present multilayered meaning, and criticize the decadence of confucian aristocracy [Sadaebu: 士大夫] and it's abuses. In Yangbanjeon by combining of two styles, the author weave a biography of Yangban(兩班) in general, which presents the attributes and historical position of the Yangban class. And by the nonsensical fictional event which caricatures crisis of the Yangban class, and tedious description of the manners and behaviors of the Yangban, the author and satires the snobbery of the Yangban and the absurdity of their classical privileges. As he did in Hojil, the author urges the self-examination of the reader raising a question about the position and the function or duty of the Yangban class in the changing world. And the various skills of satire together with the irony, paradox, parody and pun were used dexterously in above two works.