• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.3
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• pp.66-87
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• 2009

The definition of the structure of wooden chamber tomb(piled stone-type) is as follows. It is a tomb with wooden chamber, and stones were piled on top of the wooden chamber, and then a wooden structure was placed on top of the piled stones, and more stones were piled on top of the wooden structure, and sealed with clay. Of course this definition can vary according to periods, the buried, etc. Gyeongju-style piled stone type wooden chamber tombs have some distinguished characteristics compared to general definition of piled stone type wooden chamber tombs. Outside the wooden chamber, either stone embankments or filled-in stones were layed out, and pilet-in stones are positioned right above the wooden chamber, and almost every class used this type, and finally, it is exclusively found in Gyeongju area. First generations of this Gyeongju-style piled stone type wooden chamber tombs appeared in first half of 5th century. These tombs inherited characteristics like ground plan, wooden chamber, double chamber(inner chamber and outer chamber), piled stones, burial of the living with the dead, piled stones, from precedent wooden chamber tombs. However these tombs have explicit new characteristics which are not found in the precedent wooden chamber tombs such as stone embankments, wooden pillars, piled stones(above ground level), soil tumuluses. stone embankments and wooden pillars are exclusively found on great piled stone type above-ground level wooden chamber tombs such as the Hwangnamdaechong(皇南大塚). Stone embankments, wooden pillars, piled stones(above ground level) are all elements of building process of soil tumuluses. stone embankments support outer wall of above-ground level wooden chambers and disperse the weight of tumuluses. Wooden pillars functioned as auxiliary supports with wooden structures to prevent the collapse of stone embankments. Piled stones are consists of stones of regular size, placed on the wooden structure. And after the piled stones were sealed with clay, tumulus was built with soil. Piled stones are unique characteristics which reflects the environment of Gyeongju area. Piled stone type wooden chamber tombs are located on the vast and plain river basin of Hyeongsan river(兄山江). Which makes vast source of sands and pebbles. Therefore, tumulus of these tombs contains large amount of sands and are prone to collapse if soil tumulus was built directly on the wooden structure. Consequently, to maintain external shape of the tumulus and to prevent collapse of inner structure, piled stones and clay-sealing was made. In this way, they can prevent total collapse of the tombs even if the tumulus was washed away. The soil tumulus is a characteristic which emerges when a nation or political entity reaches certain growing stage. It can be said that after birth of a nation, growing stage follows and social structure will change, and a newly emerged ruling class starts building new tombs, instead of precedent wooden chamber tombs. In this process, soil tumulus was built and the size and structure of the tombs differ according to the ruling class. Ground plan, stone embankments, number of the persons buried alive with the dead, quantity and quality of artifacts reflect social status of the ruling class. In conclusion, Gyeongju-style piled stone type wooden chamber tombs emerged with different characteristics from the precedent wooden chamber tombs when Shilla reached growing stage.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.52-71
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• 2011

This study was initiated with the intent to consider the features of Gugokwonlim and to compare Gabsagugok(甲寺九曲) to Yongsangugok(龍山九曲) against the backdrop of Mt. Gyeryong by revealing their nature and confirming the names and exact locations. A literature review, interviews with local people and field studies confirmed that Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok are each composed of 9 seasonal features. The former is made up of Yongyuso(龍遊沼) - Iilcheon(二一川) - Baengnyonggang(白龍岡) - Dalmuntaek(達門澤) - Geumgyeam(金鷄?) - Myeongwoldam(明月潭) - Gyemyeongam(鷄鳴巖) - Yongmunpok(龍門瀑) - Sujeongbong(水晶峰) while the latter is made up of Simyongmun(尋龍門) - Eunnyongdam(隱龍潭) - Waryonggang(臥龍剛) - Yuryongdae(遊龍臺) - Hwangnyongam(黃龍岩) - Hyeollyongso(見龍沼) - Ullyongtaek(雲龍澤) - Biryongchu(飛龍湫) - Sillyongyeon(神龍淵). Both Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok are part of Gugokwonlim built in the valleys of Mt. Gyeryong in the late Joseon Dynasty by Byeoksu Yun Deok-yeong (1927) and Chwieum Gwon Jun-myeon (1932), respectively, with a 5 year difference. Gabsagugok was supposedly designed to reflect an individual taste for the arts and to admire principles of Juyeok (ch. Zhouyi) and the beauty of nature. On the contrary, Yongsangugok appears to be the builder's expression of his longing for independence day, likened to the life of a dragon after receiving the sad news of Japan's annexation of Korea. Such differences show that these two builders had very different intentions from one another. The letters of Gabsagugok have a semi cursive style and were deeply engraved on the rock in a square shape. Consequently they have not been worn away except for those in Yongyuso, the first Gok. In contrast, the letters in Yongsangugok have an antiquated, cursive-Yija style but because they were engraved relatively lightly, serious wear and damage occurred. In terms of location, Gabsagugok was built around Ganseongjang adjacent to the 5th Gok while Yongsangugok was set up around the 5th Gok, Hwangnyongam. Meanwhile, the important motif which forms the background of Gabsagugok seemingly highlights the geographic identity of Mt. Gyeryong using the dragon and the chicken as themes. It also appears to symbolize the principles of Juyeok focusing on Kan of the Eight Trigrams for divination; this requires an in-depth study for confirmation. The main motif and theme of Yongsangugok is the dragon. It infuses the builder's intentions in Sangsinri Valley by communicating with nature through a story of a dragon's life from birth to ascension. It is assumed that he tried to use this story to express his hope for restoring the national spirit and reconstructing the country.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.97
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• pp.69-86
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• 2020

Haenghaeng Ilgi (Diary of a Royal Trip) (koo 7152; hereafter Ilgi) in the collection of the National Museum of Korea provides an account of Crown Prince Sado's incognito royal visit to Pyeongyang in the fourth month of 1761. Ilgi was written by Ham Daeil, a low-ranking military officer in Pyeongyang. Ham was singled out for praise by Crown Prince Sado (1735-1762) and served the prince from the seventh day of the fourth month to the first day of the fifth month. Ilgi documented the deeds of Crown Prince Sado during this period and provides detailed information on his incognito visit to Pyeongyang, which was not officially recorded. Ilgi shows characteristics differentiating it from many other diaries. For example, the quality of the paper, neat handwriting, and well-organized sentences differ from those of common diaries. These distinctions indicate that Ilgi is closer to an official document than a private diary written by an individual. Since Ilgi records Crown Prince Sado's incognito visit to Pyeongyang, is only vaguely known otherwise, its contents need to be examined in terms of whether or not they are fully factual. As the first step in such verification, It is traced that Ham Daeil's family history which turned out to match what is written in Ilgi. Moreover, Ilgi mentions about Prince Crown Sado's writing a piece of calligraphy, and a matching piece of calligraphy written by Sado still survives today. It can be confirmed that the contents of Ilgi are factual in at least these regards. However, although Crown Prince Sado was known to have met people from various social classes during his visit to Pyeongyang, Ilgi focuses only on Crown Prince Sado and Ham Daeil. This suggests the possibility that the surviving version of Ilgi may be an edited condensation based on original texts containing more complete information on Crown Prince Sado's visit. Ilgi is presumed to have been produced during the generation of Ham Jeonghui, a son of Ham Daeil. The dates of birth and death of Ham Daeil fall during the reign of King Yeongjo. It is unlikely that any records regarding Crown Prince Sado would have been published while King Yeongjo, who was hostile to Sado, ruled the country. Ilgi also provides strong evidence that Ham Jeonghui presented the subsequent king, King Jeongjo, with the calligraphy by Crown Prince Sado and the diary. It is unclear if the book Ham Jeonghui presented him was the same as the extant version of Ilgi. Nonetheless, considering the situation at the time when King Jeongjo was pursuing several projects to honor his father Sado, it is highly probable that Ilgi was produced during the reign of King Jeongjo. The periods of presenting the calligraphy and the diary respectively overlapped with the production of Hyeollyungwon, the royal tomb of Crown Prince Sado, and Sado's sixtieth birthday. Therefore, is it considered reasonable that Ham Jeonghui produced Ilgi to promote his own social ambitions.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.489-524
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• 2016

This study examines the birth of a genre, the $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ Misemono Opera, focusing on how it accepted and modernized Katarimono $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$. Unlike earlier studies, it argues that Terayama was clearly different from other first-generation Angura artists, in that he rebirthed the medieval story $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ as a modern Misemono Opera. Shintokumaru (1978) was directed by Terayama $Sh{\bar{u}}ji$, a member of the first generation of Japan's 1960s Angura Theatre Movement. It takes as its subject the Katarimono $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ Shintokumaru, a story set to music that can be considered an example of the modern heritage of East Asian storytelling. $Sekky{\bar{o}}$ Shintokumaru is set in Tennoji, Japan. The title character Shintoku develops leprosy as a result of his stepmother's curse and is saved through his fiancee Otohime's devoted love and the spiritual power of the Bodhisattva Avalokitesvara. In this work, Terayama combined the narrative style of $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ with J.A. Caesar's shamanistic rock music and gave it the subtitle 'Misemono Opera by $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$'. He transforms its underlying theme, the principle of goddesses and their offspring in a medieval religious world and the modori (return) instinct, into a world of mother-son-incest. Also, the pedestrian revenge scene from $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$ is altered to represent Shintokumaru as a drag queen, wearing his stepmother's clothes and mask, and he unites sexually with Sensaku, his stepbrother, and ends up killing him. The play follows the cause and effect structure of $Sekky{\bar{o}}bushi$. The appearance of katarite, a storyteller, propelling the narrative throughout and Dr. Yanagida Kunio is significant as an example of the modern use of self-introduction as a narrative device and chorus. Terayama $Sh{\bar{u}}ji^{\prime}s$ memories of desperate childhood, especially the absence of his father and the Aomori air raids, are depicted and deepened in structure. However, seventeen years after Terayama's death, the version of the play directed by Ninagawa Yukio-based on a revised edition by Kishida Rio, who had been Terayama's writing partner since the play's premier-is the today the better-known version. All the theatrical elements implied by Terayama's subtitle were removed, and as a result, the Rio production misses the essence of the diverse experimental theatre of Terayama's theatre company, $Tenj{\bar{o}}$ Sajiki. Shintokumaru has the narrative structure characteristic of aphorism. That is, each part of the story can stand alone, but it is possible to combine all the parts organically.

• 기호학연구
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• no.54
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• pp.119-145
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• 2018

This paper attempts to divide the narrative into three levels and review the approach methodology to understand Princess Bari as a narrative. If the stratification of the narrative, the analysis of each levels, and the integrated approach to them are made, this can contribute to suggesting new directions and ways to understand and study Princess Bari. The story level of Princess Bari, the surface structure, is shaped by the space movement and the chronological sequential structure of the life task that started from the birth of the main character. This story shows how a woman who was denied her existence by her father as soon as she was born finds an ontological transformation and identities through a process. Especially, the journey of finding identity is mainly formed through the events that occur through the relationship with family members. This structure, which can be found in the narrative level, forms a deep structure with the oppositional paradigm of family members' conflict and reconciliation, life and death. The thought structure revealed in this story is the problem of life is the problem of family composition, and the problem of death is also the same. In response to how to look at the unified world of coexistence of life and death, this tradition group of myths makes a relationship with man and God. This story is mainly communicated in the Korean shamanistic ritual(Gut) that sent the dead to the afterlife. Although the shaman is the sender and the participants in the ritual are the receivers, the story is well known a message that does not have new information repeated in certain situations. In gut, the patrons and participants do not simply accept the narrative as a message, but accept themselves as codes for reconstructing their lives and behavior through autocommunication. By accepting the characters and events of as a homeomorphism relationship with their lives, people accept the everyday life as an integrated view of life and death, disjunction and communication, conflict and reconciliation, and the present viewpoint. It can not change the real world, but it changes the attitude of 'I' about life. And it is a change and transformation that can be achieved through personal communication like the transformation of Princess Bari into god in myth. Thus, Princess Bari shows that each meaning and function in the story level, composition level, and communication level is related to each other. In addition, the structure revealed by this narrative on three levels is also effective in revealing the collective consciousness and cultural system of the transmission group.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.133-172
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• 2017

Mansuseongjeol was originally a term that referred to the birthday of Chinese emperors. In October 1897, when Emperor Gojong ascended the throne, his birthday could be called mansuseongjeol. The celebratory events for mansuseongjeol took place throughout various levels of society and regions. Various places and classes including government officials, foreigners, students, religious people, journalists, merchants, civic groups, and nation-wide open ports celebrated the birth of Emperor Gojong, and the classes celebrating the day became stronger and wider. In other words, in the sense that the celebration had the nature of being universal, national, and global in terms of classes, regions, and races, the event was distinguished. Due to such nature, celebrating culture proceeded in various ways and the imperial family provided donation. Celebration on mansuseongjeol extended to respect toward the emperor and patriotism so it contributed to strengthening the emperor's power and solidifying the unity of the people. Also, such an event was reported around the world through diplomats and reporters living in Korea, raising the national status of Korea in the world. However, after the breakout of Russo-Japanese War, Japan controlled the finance of the royal family, reduced the power of the emperor, and the celebration of mansuseongjeol was also reduced. Due to the suspension of royal family's financial support, crackdown from Japan, and the dethronement of Emperor Gojong, events for mansuseongjeol disappeared and only inside the palace, did formal celebrations continue centering on pro-Japan officials and Japanese people. The abdication of Emperor Gojong came with the collapse of Korean Empire and along with that, celebration of mansuseongjeol came to an end. In the circumstances, the culture of court banquet disintegrated, and the best performers of Korean Empire degenerated into mere entertainers. Though mansuseongjeol, the medium of expressing respect toward the emperor and patriotism, lost its status, it is significant that the cultural achievements, which were created during the process established with the support of the financial power of the royal family, serve as internal power that drove Korea's modern and contemporary cultural history.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.31
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• pp.7-32
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• 2011

Cheng Yi(程?, 1033~1107) understood that nature is full of "changes(易)". And he noted that human being as part of nature also exists only in a series of changes, i.e. birth, growth, extinction and death. All things including human being arise from the same principle, or "Heavenly Principle." Hence human being can fundamentally be one with all other beings, or nature. It is called "Unity of all things(萬物一體)" and "Unity of heaven and human(天人合一)." This philosophical perspective cannot be regarded as being unique to Cheng only; neo-Confucian predecessors called "the five masters of the Northern Song(北宋五子)" anticipated Cheng's vision already. Nevertheless, Cheng elaborated on the shared vision, revealing his philosophical uniqueness. Cheng maintains that only human being receives the principle in the unstained form, and thereby is capable of being one with nature. The one who realizes her/his potential to be one with nature is a sage(聖人); for Cheng, the order and pattern found in nature is nothing other than moral principle that human beings have to live up to and vice versa. Cheng's idea on the principle which human being receives from Heaven no doubt relates to Mencian notion of the innate goodness of human nature(性善); the innate goodness of human nature is no other than Heavenly Principle, and to become a sage depends on whether one can realize her/his potential - human nature, i.e. Heavenly Principle in her/himself. For Cheng, human nature tantamount to Heavenly Principle has no evil quality; all the evil in the world comes from imperfect "physical endowment(氣質)," or "capacity(才)" which is various from person to person, making various personalities. Accordingly, the task of moral cultivation in Cheng's theory can translate into the matter of rectification of one's physical endowment.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.56
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• pp.209-239
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• 2014

Aimed to the aesthetic implication about being a source of Akryul of 'Sungkijiwon' study in this paper. Akyul was kibonyulof HwangjongYul from ancient times. Hwajongyul consists of Yaungyuland Eumyoe, namely 12yul. Sungkijiwon was a role of seedling fundamental to the structure of the Hwangjongyul.Akyul is seen in nature. Nature which is the root of Akyul, it is inherent fully to human So that is the origin of Whangjongyul the source of the sound that the human kee of the fully implicit a world Sungkijiwon. The Sungkijiwon soon 'JeckjajIsong'. JeckjajIsong' is A first Ho, respiration that at birth the human, and the height of the sound is constant sound at this time. This sound is Preserving intact the nature of the human, Seong, Eum. Ack of Ackyul was derived from the expression from a nature of humun. Has a feature that is evident in the degree of Dosu always in the process of being extended to Yaungyul and Eumyoe, is 'original Sungkijiwon. Sungkijiwon comes from Wonkee of Taekuk of Habsanweil. The fundamental Dosu originate from 1. Hwangjong is calculated Kee including 1. 1 of Taekuk 1 of Eum and 1 of Yaung. This is a 3 and 1, the combined Yum-Yaung around Taekuk Similarly, 1 of chun, 1 of gi, 1 of In are three Samjae, And become 1, premier In of chun ji. Yulyoe is generated a 12yul. Yulryo becomes the kijuneum having Habsanweil through the differentiation, and generates the 12yul. Therefore it is possible to know that is based on humanistic a source of neutralizing beauty also original ackyul.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.34
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• pp.167-206
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• 2009

This paper discovers and introduces the collection of letters, "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" which was made by Kim Youngjak(1802~1868) who had collected the letters from Chinese intellectuals. "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" is a collector which contains handwritten letters to Kim Youngjak from Chinese people such as cheng gong shou(程恭壽), weng xue han(翁學涵), zhang bing yan(張丙炎), shao yan han(少言翰), and li wen yuan(李文源). Kim Youngjak had frequent meetings with Chinese intellectuals not only directly but also indirectly. He had exchanged letters with li bo heng(李伯衡), shuai fang wei(帥方蔚) for 30 years. In 1858, he went to Beijing and met Chinese intellectuals ye ming li(葉名澧), zhang bing yan(張丙炎), wu kun tian(吳昆田), cheng gong shou(程恭壽), and zhao guang(趙光). After coming back to Chos?n, he continued to exchange letters with them. "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" contains autograph letters by Kim Youngjak and Chinese intellectuals. It has ten letters for Kim Youngjak written by cheng gong shou(程恭壽), weng xue han(翁學涵), zhang bing yan(張丙炎), shao yan han(少言翰) and so on. One letter and five poems which zhao ting huang(趙廷璜) wrote to the son of Kim are also contained. The letters by zhao ting huang(趙廷璜) shows a sincere friendship with Kim Youngjak. The relationship between li bo heng(李伯衡) (who had exchanged letters with Kim for 30 years) and his son li wen yuan(李文源) proves that the cultural interchange between Korea and China had lasted successively. Kim Youngjak has not been widely known in academic circles yet but should not be ignored for the study in the cultural interchange between Korea and China. He proposed to have a relationship with li bo heng(李伯衡) and shuai fang wei(帥方蔚) first and they sent back positively. Therefore, they had a literal and private relationship by only exchanging letters each other. Also considering the fact that Kim Youngjak, as a man of high birth, had a close relationship with Chinese intelletuals, we can notice that Chinese and Korean intellectuals had open minds based on sincerity and trust. This was possible because many intellectuals before him like Hong Daeyong made a basis of the tradition of companionship. At this point, the relationship between Kim Youngjak and Chinese intellectuals and "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" have an important value. The collections of Kim Youngjak's works contain only several letters and poems which he sent to Chinese intellectuals. Accordingly, the letters in "A Collector of Correspondence from Chinese Intellectuals (中朝學士書翰錄)" are important to understand the aspects of their interchange.

• Journal of the Korean Applied Science and Technology
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.318-331
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• 2021

This study was conducted on the assumption that bone age would be more effective when it comes to physique and physical fitness assessment for adolescents, and the purpose of this study was to identify the differences in physique and physical fitness for students in their adolescence through bone age and chronological age in order to contribute to the well-balanced physique and physical fitness development in adolescents and the health improvement in students. Total 874 adolescents(483 males, 391 females) aged 11~16 were selected as subjects out of the total population of 1100 adolescents aged 6~16 based on the PAPS(Physical Activity Promotion System) and age standards of the TW3 method; and skeletal maturation, which symbolize the indicators of biological maturation, were evaluated by using the TW3(Tanner-Whitehouse 3) method after hand-wrist radiographs, and birth date was used for chronological age. A stadiometer and InBody 270 (Biospace, Korea) were used to measure 2 components in physique. A total of 7 components in physical fitness, which included muscular strength, muscular endurance, flexibility, power, cardiovascular endurance, balance, agility, were measured as well. A independent samples t-test was conducted for data processing using SPSS 25.0, and the significance level was set at p< .05. The study results are as follows. First, bone age and chronological age used for physique comparison in males aged 11 and 12, height and weight showed significant difference; in males aged 13, weight showed signicant difference. Weight and height in females aged 11, and height in females aged 12 showed significant difference. Second, bone age and chronological age used for physical fitness comparison in males aged 11, muscular strength, power, flexibility, cardiovascular endurance showed significant difference; in males aged 12, muscular strength. power, cardiovascular endurance; in males aged 13, flexibility showed significant difference. Muscular strength, power, flexibility, muscular endurance, cardiovascular endurance in females aged 11, and flexibility in females aged 14 showed significant difference. As a result, this study concluded that in a period of rapid skeletal growth, evaluating physique and physical fitness based on bone age is more accurate than evaluating based on chronological age.