• 수완나부미
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.7-33
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• 2023

Numerous journalistic and literary writings about the Indian writer Rabindranath Tagore, the first Asian awardee of the Nobel Prize for Literature (1913), appeared in newspapers of colonial Vietnam. His stop-over in Saigon (Cochin China) in 1929 created political discussions in contemporary journalism and other publications. Tagore and his visit to Saigon inspired Vietnamese intellectuals and stirred diverse anti-colonial thought. This paper examines writings and images about Tagore in colonial Vietnamese journals and newspapers, reconstructing how intellectuals recalled and imagined him as they also engaged with anti-colonial thought, particularly anti-colonial modernity and anti-capitalism. Contextualizing the reception of Tagore in colonial projects of modernizing the Vietnamese colony, the paper argues that discussions inspired by Tagore's visit embody contemporary nationalist ideology.

• 인터넷정보학회지
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• 제14권1호
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• pp.8-28
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• 2013

In a backlash against corporate branding and capitalism, a growing number of consumers are resisting current marketplace practices and big corporate brands. One particular form of this phenomenon is the emergence of anti-brand communities in social media. The current study, which surveyed a sample of 251 anti-brand community members on Facebook, provides a preliminary understanding of the characteristics and antecedents of anti-brand communities as a new platform for consumer empowerment and anti-brand activism. Findings suggest that consumers' engagement in online anti-brand communities, especially through social media, may be triggered by their negative experiences with employees, product quality, post-purchase service, and value/price. They are motivated, the results show, by seven primary factors: altruism, revenge, advice seeking, convenience, sympathy seeking, socialization, and the need to vent.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제21권2호
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• pp.217-261
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• 2011

This study is an attempt to construct a basic framework of analysis about China's political and economic influence on Southeast Asia through traditional Sinocentrism, anti-colonial nationalism, Cold War socialism and post-Cold War capitalism. As to the historical status of Southeast Asia vis-a-vis external forces such as India, China and the West, the colonial discourse tends to put excessive emphasis upon its dependence, and the posy-colonial discourse upon its autonomy. However, this study elucidates the political and economic interactions between China and Southeast Asia in a dynamic perspective, focusing on their reciprocal interactions beyond the essentially static dichotomy of autonomy and dependence. Chinese influence on Southeast asia can be divided into active and reactive one, with the former referring to direct and intended consequences and the latter to indirect and unintended consequences. In the historical process of active and reactive influence, both China and Southeast Asia were fundamentally proactive actors. Thus, the autonomy or dependence of Southeast Asia is just a question of relative one, with its actual extent and degree varying with specific spatial and temporal conditions.

• 복식문화연구
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• 제15권2호
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• pp.232-251
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• 2007

The purpose of this study was to understand sexuality expressed in fashion in a discursive view and reinterpret sexuality represented in fashion in the 19th century in Foucauldian post-structural perspective. As for methodology, at first the conception of sexuality was examined from structural feminism to post-structural pluralism by a literature review and discussed in relation with the matters of body and fashion on the basis of Foucault's discourse. Then, sexuality represented in the 19C fashion as a case study was re-estimated in terms of power relationship between dominant and oppositional discourses and mainstream fashion and anti-fashion as well. The conception of sexuality in Foucauldian post-structuralism maintains the view of plural sexuality, which floats by discourse and power produced in a specific historical context. In the Foucauldian perspective sexuality expressed in the mainstream fashion and anti-fashion in the nineteenth century shows the following aspects. The mainstream fashion in the middle and latter of the 19C made the clear sexual difference in dress of plain and functional male suit and extravagant and decorative female dress on the center of bourgeois masculinity in the context of modernity and capitalism. Although anti-fashion was also co-existed with the mainstream fashion, it was criticized by the Victorian people. It codifies sexual ideology of the binary opposition of male domination and female subordination. Therefore, the traditional sexual ideology in the 19C is a capitalist value, which gives a priority to bourgeois man's profits, and the Victorian discourses of sexuality constructs the clear sexual difference in dress in the period.

• 유통과학연구
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• 제18권3호
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• pp.37-41
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• 2020

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to examine the recent resurgence of popularism and the possible impacts it may have on contemporary business and economics. Research design, data and methodology: This is an exploratory case study that examines the rise of popularism and identifies and analyzes the likely implications for contemporary business and economics. Results: Although populists tend to reject elitism, capitalism, economic globalization, and political establishment, their ethnocentric behavior is no different from those of the corrupt political and economic elites. Popularism does enable nationalism and protectionism and negatively impacts business and economic growth. Conclusions: Popularism existed for a long time, and this phenomenon will continue to exist as long as a triggered mechanism exist, e.g., income inequality, resurgence of immigration, recession, insufficient factors of resources and social welfare. The recent rise of popularism is not a fad or a short-lived anti-establishment and anti-elitism movements but, rather, a force to be reckoned with in the near future. The rise of economic nationalism limits international trade, integration, and cooperation. As a result, international capital, service, and product flows will decline, and countries and multinational corporations have to develop and restructure their international supply and value chain to cope with this phenomenon.

• 영어영문학
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• 제55권5호
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• pp.907-936
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• 2009

Quite arguably, W. E. B. Du Bois is the first figure in the history of black nationalism who engaged most persistently and systematically with the dominant ideology of racism and white supremacy. It is not too much to say that, by contending with the Eurocentric but taken-for-granted concept of the 'Negro' in the turn of the century, Du bois has laid the theoretical and ideological cornerstone of postcolonialism today. But his concept of race varied over time and was even contradictory in the same writings. The early Du Bois defined race as something historically made rather than biologically given and determined. Yet he didn't utterly deny the significance of physical traits and skin color in constructing racial identity. His notion of the 'Negro' was not unambiguous, either. While drawing on the 'soul' of 'black folk' to undermine the Eurocentric dichotomy of white/mind and black/body, Du Bois argued that there is some kind of 'spiritual' differences between whites and blacks, differences that are essentially inherent and hereditary in the 'Negro.' Such essentialist notion of race and the 'Negro' was on the wane in the later Du Bois, especially after his encounter with Marxism. He came to think of race merely as a discourse of racism that can be subverted and even appropriated for anti-racist practices. Following the Marxist assumption that 'the color line' is a class conflict on the international level, Du Bois contended that the 'Negro' is an outcome of slavery which is in turn a subsystem of Western capitalism. He also argued that, since the 'Negro' is not a biological essence but a sociocultural formation, the identity of the 'Negro' can and must be reconstructed according to historical change. For Du Bois, therefore, the resistance against colonialism and capitalism became a resistance against racism. This is why his Pan-African movement shifted its gear from the American program in the initial phase to a truly 'Afrocentric' and socialist one.

• 복식
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• 제57권5호
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• pp.166-182
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• 2007

The purpose of this study is to reinterpret sexuality represented in fashion since the latter half of the 19th century in a contextual view, on the basis of Foucauldian idea of post-structural sexuality. As for research methodology, literary research was undertaken from the conception of sexuality to a historical review of the culture and dress. Foucault maintains the view of plural sexuality, which floats by power relationship between dominant and oppositional discourses in a specific historical context. In contextual approach sexual ideology codified in fashion since the latter 19C shows the following aspects: First, the traditional sexual ideology in the latter 19C is a capitalist value, which gives a priority to bourgeois man's profits, and the Victorian discourses of sexuality constructs the dichotomized fashion of the period. Next, the former half of the $20^{th}$ C is regarded as the period of conformity rather than opposition with various alternatives appropriated to the mainstream, so the traditional sexual ideology in fashion of this period is still preserved. Finally, in post-capitalism period of the latter 20C a variety of anti-fashion visualized plural sexuality from the enormous oppositional discourses. Although it doesn't all mean deconstruction of sexuality in fashion by the anti-fashion re-appropriated without oppositional meanings, pluralization of sexuality implies dynamics of sexual discourses in the next historical period. As a result, fashion since the latter 19C has been changed as a means for expressing age and sexual desire out of gender and class. And mainstream fashion in even postmodern period keeps the modern value on the center of the hegemonic heterosexual masculinity though the increase of Androgynous Femininity in women's fashion may connote the meaning of femininity. The plural sexuality represented in fashion has a contextual flexibility, thus sexuality floats with a specific socio-cultural context and fashion represents a masquerade as an identity vehicle.

• 한국사회복지학
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• 제49권
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• pp.162-189
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• 2002

In general, every welfare state is to be productive. If not, the welfare state itself cannot be sustainable because resource for the development of welfare only comes from a sound level of economic development However, how to mix welfare and production differs from country to country. This article tackles this phenomenon as a starting point. Granted, contemporary studies of comparative welfare state often starts from the theory of welfare regime which has been suggested by Esping-Andersen. This article also regards the framework as an analytic tool to elaborate upon the concept of productive welfare and to categorize different types of conception of productive welfare. In liberal regime, the concept is so narrowly interpreted that they emphasize micro-efficiency of specific welfare programs. On the contrary, the other two regime types recognize the concept of productive welfare as relatively wide. Therefore, conservative and social democratic regimes underscore macro-efficiency of the welfare state as a whole. Empirical analyses of this article explores each regime's success and failure in terms of achieving fundamental goals of the welfare state, i.e. economic development and enhancement of equality. A series of evidence show that liberal regime fails in achieving both goals, while the other two regimes seem to be relatively successful. In conclusion, it may be pointed out that current tendency of neo-liberalism and anti-welfarism in Korea should be overcome, which must be the prime task of social welfare academia of this country.

• 한국심리학회지 : 문화 및 사회문제
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• 제19권2호
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• pp.87-108
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• 2013

본 연구에서는 한국인의 사회적 특징(소득수준, 지지정당(보수 대 진보), 정치적 가치, 자본주의와 평등주의 가치)이 소득양극화에 대한 입장과 정부정책에 대한 판단에 미치는 영향을 알아보기 위해 서울에 거주하는 성인 남녀 613명에게 설문을 실시하였다. 먼저, 참가자들의 소득양극화에 대한 입장을 알아보기 위해, 참가자를 이러한 각 변인의 점수로 나눈 두 집단(고집단 대 저집단; 피험자 간)과 소득양극화에 대한 두 가치(진보 대 보수; 피험자 내)등 혼합설계 변량분석을 실시하였다. 또한, 참가자들이 판단하는 정부의 정책을 알아보기 위해서, 위의 각 변인의 점수로 나눈 두 집단(고집단 대 저집단; 피험자 간), 두 정부(실용정부 대참여정부; 피험자 내), 소득양극화 정책(진보 및 보수; 피험자 간)등 혼합설계 변량분석을 실시하였다. 그 결과, 한국인은 진보적 정치적 가치를 가지거나, 자본주의 가치를 반대하는 한국인이 소득양극화 진보적 가치를 더 지지하였으며, 보수정당을 지지하거나 평등주의 가치를 반대하는 한국인이 소득양극화 보수적 가치를 더 지지하였다. 또한 지지정당에 따라서 참여정부의 소득양극화 진보적 정책과 보수적 정책 판단에 부분적으로 영향을 미쳤다. 이러한 결과가 한국사회에서 가지는 의미를 살펴보고 소득양극화 문제의 합의적 의사소통을 이루기 위한 방안 등을 제시하였다.

• 한국사회복지학
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• 제39권
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• pp.74-102
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• 1999

이 연구는 세계화라는 맥락에서 신자유주의, 사회복지 축소, 제3의 길이라는 상호관련된 주제들을 분석하고 있다. 통합된 세계경제체제에서 이루어지는 자유화, 규제 철폐, 민영화로 정의되는 신자유주의적 세계질서는 국제 금융자본의 세계질서를 강화함으로써 개별 국민국가의 자율성과 사회복지적 개입, 그리고 민주주의 원칙을 불가능하게 만들고 사회복지정책을 경제정책에 예속시킨다. 더욱이 서구 복지 선진국들은 복지와 성장, 축적과 정당화라는 상충적 요소의 공존이 필연적으로 위기를 만들어내며, 이 위기는 어느 한쪽을 완전히 포기하지 않고는 해결되지 않는다는 분석이 있다. '생산적 복지', '노동하는 복지'를 강조하는 제3의 길은 신자유주의의 변형에 지나지 않는다는 비난에도 불구하고 영국과 독일 등의 좌파 정부들이 채택하고 있는 노선이다. 그러나 세계화를 배경으로 한 우리나라의 경제위기는 대량의 실업과 빈곤의 양극화를 심화시켰고 빈약한 사회복지는 이를 더욱 악화시키고 있다. 유럽과는 상이한 역사적 과정과 정치경제적 환경을 배경으로 하고 있는 우리나라에서 제3의 길에 대한 논의와 성급한 복지위기 논쟁은 결코 수용될 수 없을 것이다.