• Title/Summary/Keyword: ancient timber

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A Study on the Chimi Excavated from the Middle Gate Remains of Bunhwangsa Temple (분황사 중문지 출토 치미 연구)

  • Kim, Sookyung
    • Journal of architectural history
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    • v.26 no.5
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    • pp.19-26
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    • 2017
  • This paper aimed to identify the architectural characteristics of the chimi excavated from ancient ruins, especially middle gate remains of Bunhwangsa Temple in the Unified Silla period. Middle gate had planned $3{\times}2$ with 295mm measuring unit and gabled building. Detailed study of the shape of chimi of the middle gate restored by related field experts reveals as follows. 1) Height of chimi is 4.5(130.6cm) of Tang's system of measurement classified as large one. 2) The front and back side square hole is made for transverse timber placement. 3) Position of chimi is not the end of the ridge of roof, it moved toward the center. 4) Construction method of chimi is structured with smaller beam and center column. 5) Width and height of the ridge is less than 38cm and 54cm to be approximately, Width and height of the gabled ridge is less than 38cm and 50cm. 6) This chimi is considered to be very unique when compared to existing ancient restored chimis, it is designed to be advantageous to the chimi construction.

A Study on the Tool-Trace of Wooden Storage Facilities in Sabi Baekje through the Reproduction Experiments: Focusing on the Adze, Chisel, and Saw

  • Heesoo SONG;Soochul KIM
    • Journal of the Korean Wood Science and Technology
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    • v.52 no.3
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    • pp.276-288
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    • 2024
  • This study was conducted to reproduce the woodworking process of Baekje wooden storage facilities. Green timber of Quercus spp. was processed using ancient woodworking tools, and the tool-trace formed in this process were compared with the tool-trace of actual excavated artifacts. In the tool-trace analysis, the length and shape of the tool-trace were objectively recorded using a 3D Scan, and that were difficult to confirm with photograph were confirmed through stereoscopic microscope. As a result, there were two types of adze's tool-trace. One of them is minute straight Blade-top trace line when trimming the wood surface and the other is Plucked trace that appear when strongly chop at the wood. When a chisel bat was not used, a long and wide continuous shape blade trace was produced. And when the chisel head was struck with the chisel bat, a straight blade-top trace was regularly observed. Saw-trace was identified in several layers with fine straight stripes. Through this, it was found that the tool-trace of the woodworking tools, which is estimated to have been used in each process, and the tool-trace remaining in the Baekje wooden storage facility coincide.

Species Analysis of Wooden Elements Used in the Bulgapsa Temple of YeongGwang (영광 불갑사 대웅전 목부재의 수종)

  • Park, Won-Kyu;Nam, Tea-Gwang
    • Journal of the Korean Wood Science and Technology
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    • v.33 no.3 s.131
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    • pp.11-21
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    • 2005
  • The purpose of this study was to identify the species of the woods used in the main building (Daewoongjeon) of Bulgapsa temple in YeongGwang. Eighty eight woods sampled were divided into four parts; pillars(21), rafters(19), purlins(16) and other wood elements(12). Four species were identified; Pinus spp. (hard pines; diploxylon), Abies spp., Quercus spp. and Zelkova serrata Makino. Pillars and corner-angle rafters were mainly Zelkova; however, other wood elements were mostly Pinus spp. The high ratio of Zelkova in this building would be ascribed to the preference of this species to pines owing to its superior quality before the late Chosun Dynasty.

Species Identification of Wooden Members in the Youngsanjeon Hall of Sucknamsa Temple (안성 석남사 영산전 목부재의 수종 분석)

  • Park, Won-Kyu;Jeong, Hyun-Min;Kim, Sang-Kyu
    • Journal of the Korean Wood Science and Technology
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    • v.36 no.1
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    • pp.1-11
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    • 2008
  • The purpose of this study is to examine the species of wooden members used in the Youngsanjeon Hall of the Sucknamsa temple in Anseong, Korea. Ninety-five wood samples from pillars, head-penetrating ties, beams, corner rafter, rafter, floor board and other wood members were identified. Seven species identified were hard pine, exotic pine, Zelkova serrata, Ginkgo biloba, Diospyros, Quercus(Cerrus) and Pyrus spp. In the case of pillars, eight were hard pines and the others Zelkova and Pyrus. Species of angle rafter were Ginkgo biloba and Zelkova. and those of beams were one hard pine and one Zelkova. Two purlin samples were Quercus(Cerrus) and rafters were hard pines except one Ginkgo and one exotic pine. Roof-filling timbers were identified as Zelkova and Diospyros spp. The other samples of roof-filling timbers were all identified as hard pines. The use of Ginkgo and several hardwoods in addition to hard pines may indicate supply of local logs near the Sucknamsa temple.

The conservation of the ancient ships salvaged in North Europe-Especially on the Conservation of the Viking ships - Especially on the Conservation of the Viking ships in Denmark (북유럽 인양목선의 보존처리-덴마아크 Viking선을 중심으로)

  • Bae, Byong-Whan
    • 보존과학연구
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    • s.7
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    • pp.278-291
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    • 1986
  • In this report the practical case of Viking ship's conservation in Denmarke specially among the Eurpoean nations is introduced. The contents of it are summarized as follows :From 1957 to 1962 the Danish National Museum Salvaged five Viking ships from the bottom of Roskilde Fjord, Which were composed of the pieces of timber whose surface was soft because they had lain on the sea bed for about a thousand years. Excavation had been carried out in the same way as in the field by driving down a sheet piling around the wrecks and pumping the water out. These pieces of the wreck ships were packed in airtight plastic bags one by one to be transported for Brede and then immidiately had to go through the treatment for conservation. The conservation treatment process for the pieces includes three steps ; the preliminary process prior to the hardening treatment, the hardening and the assemble of the ships. In the first step ; the preliminary process, all remains of mud and shells from the fjord bed are washed off, and measuring followed ; every single piece of wreckage was drawn so that the form and size of the piece, nail holes, and breaks were registered before conservation. In the second ; the hardening treatment step, the pieces of the woreckage were filled with P.E.G. This Polyethylene Glycol method was the best to handle in the subsequent mounting of the ships in the museum. In the final, the Glycol-treated pieces were pieced together to spips with support of a system of reinforcements. They were to fit in place after corrections of the form were made several times.

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Species Identification of Wooden Elements Used for Daewungjeon Hall in the Bukjijangsa Temple, Daegu, Korea (대구 북지장사 대웅전 목부재의 수종 식별)

  • Yeon, Jung-A;Park, Won-Kyu
    • Journal of the Korean Wood Science and Technology
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    • v.41 no.3
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    • pp.201-210
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    • 2013
  • The purpose of this study was to examine the species of 117 wooden elements which were used in the Daewungjeon Hall (National Treasure No. 805, constructed in A. D. 1659) of Bukjijangsa Temple, Daegu, Korea. Pillars were identified as 5 red pines (hard pines; most likely, Pinus densiflora S. et Z.), 2 Cerris section of subgenus Lepidobalanus (deciduous oaks) and 3 Tsuga spp. Hwalju columns were 3 Abies spp. and 1 red pine. Head-penetrating ties were 8 red pines and 1 Cerris sp.; Pyeongbang, 3 red pines and 6 Cerris spp. Purlins were identified as 17 red pines, 16 Cerris spp. and 1 Tsuga sp. Angle rafters were 3 red pines and 1 Cerris sp., and end angle rafters, 2 red pines, 1 Zelkova serrata and 1 exotic hard pine. All of brackets (31 woods), jangyeo (4) and deot-chunyeo (2) were identified as red pines. As a whole, red pines (70.1%) and Cerris (22.2%) were major species used in the Daewungjeon Hall of Bukjijangsa Temple. Tsuga, Abies and exotic hard pines seem imported woods used for recent repairs.

The Royal and Sajik Tree of Joseon Dynasty, the Culturo-social Forestry, and Cultural Sustainability (근세조선의 왕목-사직수, 문화사회적 임업, 그리고 문화적 지속가능성)

  • Yi, Cheong-Ho;Chun, Young Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.98 no.1
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    • pp.66-81
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    • 2009
  • From a new perspective of "humans and the culture of forming and conserving the environment", the sustainable forest management can be reformulated under the concept of "cultural sustainability". Cultural sustainability is based on the emphasis of the high contribution to sustainability of the culture of forming and conserving the environment. This study extracts the implications to cultural sustainability for the modern world by investigating a historical case of the culturo-social pine forestry in the Joseon period of Korea. In the legendary and recorded acts by the first king Taejo, Seonggye Yi, Korean red pine (Pinus densiflora) was the "Royal tree" of Joseon and also the "Sajik tree" related intimately with the Great Sajik Ritual valued as the top rank within the national ritual regime that sustained the Royal Virtue Politics in Confucian political ideology. Into the Neo-Confucian faith and royal rituals of Joseon, elements of geomancy (Feng shui), folk religion, and Buddhism had been amalgamated. The deities worshipped or revered at the Sajik shrine were Earth-god (Sa) and crop-god (Jik). And it is the Earth god and the concrete entity, Sajik tree, that contains the legacy of sylvan religion descended from the ancient times and had been incorporated into the Confucian faith and ritual regime. Korean red pine as the Royal-Sajik tree played a critical role of sustaining the religio-political justification for the rule of the Joseon's Royalty. The religio-political symbolism of Korean red pine was represented in diverse ways. The same pine was used as the timber material of shrine buildings established for the national rituals under Neo-Confucian faith by the royal court of Joseon kingdom before the modern Korea. The symbolic role of pine had also been expressed in the forms of royal tomb forests, the Imposition Forest (Bongsan) for royal coffin timber (Whangjangmok), and the creation, protection, conservation and bureaucratic management of the pine forests in the Inner-four and Outer-four mountains for the capital fortress at Seoul, where the king and his family inhabit. The religio-political management system of pine forests parallels well with the kingdom's economic forest management system, called "Pine Policy", with an array of pine cultivation forests and Prohibition Forests (Geumsan) in the earlier period, and that of Imposition Forests in the later period. The royal pine culture with the economic forest management system had influenced on the public consciousness and the common people seem to have coined Malrimgat, a pure Korean word that is interchangeable with the Chinesecharacter words of prohibition-cultivation land or forest (禁養地, 禁養林) practiced in the royal tomb forests, and Prohibition and Imposition Forests, which contained prohibition landmarks (Geumpyo) made of stone and rock on the boundaries. A culturo-social forestry, in which Sajik altar, royal tomb forests, Whangjang pine Prohibition and Imposition forests and the capital Inner-four and Outer-four mountain forests consist, was being put into practice in Joseon. In Joseon dynastry, the Neo-Confucian faith and royal rituals with geomancy, folk religion, and Buddhism incorporated has also played a critical humanistic role for the culturo-social pine forestry, the one higher in values than that of the economic pine forestry. The implications have been extracted from the historical case study on the Royal-Sajik tree and culturo-social forestry of Joseon : Cultural sustainability, in which the interaction between humans and environment maintains a long-term culturo-natural equilibrium or balance for many generations, emphasizes the importance that the modern humans who form and conserve environment need to rediscover and transform their culturo-natural legacy into conservation for many generations and produce knowledge of sustainability science, the transdisciplinary knowledge for the interaction between environment and humans, which fulfills the cultural, social and spiritual needs.

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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