• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.30 no.5
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• pp.596-610
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• 2015

This study is on the alcohol beverage utensils represented on the Chinese tomb mural paintings of Song, Liao, Jin, and Yuan those countries had foreign exchange with Koryo Dynasty. These mural paintings are distributed in the areas such as Hebei, Henan, Inner mongolia, Shanxi, Shaanxi, Peijing. etc. The Alcohol beverage vessels were classified mainly into storage vessel, pouring vessel, drinking vessel and ladles according to the purpose. The storage vessels of Song, Liao and Jin were called Jiuping, Jingping, Jiuzun as well as Meiping. Pouring vessels are basically one set of Zhuzi, Wenwan and Jiuzhu, or Zhuhu and Zhuwan. On the mural paintings of Yuan Dynasty, Meiping as storage vessels disappear, and a variety of shapes of pouring vessels such as Mayu and Yuhuchunping appear. This trend indirectly indicates the new arrival of distilled liquor, which seems to have affected transition of the alcohol beverage utensils.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.58
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• pp.307-336
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• 2018

This paper traces the historical genealogy of the subjectivity and the silsim (實心, true mind) that appear in Jeong In-Bo's "gukhak" (國學, the national learning) thought and illuminates its characteristics. In the modern East Asian history of thought, the beginning of the emergence of subjectivity and the silsim as the main philosophical topic comes from the Neo-Confucianism of Song Dynasty in China. Cheng Yi is the first thinker to emphasize subjectivity and consciousness. Zhu Xi and Wang Yang-ming inherit the Neo-Confucian thought based on Cheng Yi's principle of subjectivity, but only show difference in methodology. In the Chosun Dynasty, Jeong Je-Doo and his School were one example of the Neo-Confucian spirit of subjectivity and the silsim. Although Jeong In-Bo (鄭寅普) belongs to Jeong Je-Doo's school of Ganghwa in the school curriculum, he has only used it methodologically since he believed that Yangming's learning is more effective in the awareness and practice of the silsim. Especially noteworthy is that the principle of subjectivity led Jeong In-Bo to follow the frame of Zhu Xi's moral theory. Jeong's claim that selfish desire (jasasim 自私心) should be controlled by a conscious mind (silsim) being aware of the right and 'ought to do' corresponds to Zhu Xi's view that the moral mind (dosim 道心) should be selected in the conflict situation between sensual desire (insim 人心) and moral consciousness so that the insim should be supervised by the dosim. Such ethics is a position to emphasize the inner motive and the sense of duty of conduct, and there is no fundamental difference in Zhu Xi and Wang Yang-ming. At least on this point, it is necessary to look at modern and contemporary Korean studies from the perspective of continuity, not discontinuity from Confucian tradition.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.195-200
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• 2007

Lee Je-Ma's theory claimed Xin(心) as Qi(氣). But he also described Xin as Taiji(太極) in the center as if Xin combines LI(理) and Qi. Taiji is meant to be a residence of the body, but it does not mean that Xin equals Li. The relations between Xin and the remaining four viscera are similar to the relations between RenXin(人心) and DaeXin(道心) and Zhuzi's(朱子) theory in many respects. If the theory that Xin equals Daoxan and FeiPiGanShen(肺脾肝腎) equals RenXin is acceptable, the vertical relations between Xin and FeiPiGanShen can be explained. That is, Xin is explained as the controller of the body, and FeiPiGanShen acts as a subordinate serving Xin. In other words, the relations associated with Xin can explain physiological states of the body. When the Xin does not function normally, FeiPiGanShen cannot perform its roles and will have a negative impact on physiological functions of the body.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.75-111
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• 2016

This paper examines the standard codes (Gangnyung: 綱領), basis of the study of Chunchu in Chunchuhak tradition during Chosun dynasty, through Park Sechae's Chunchubopyeon. The author aims to uncover the common awareness of, or an agreed view of, Chunchu among scholars of Chosun dynasty. Since Chunchubopyeon represents the Neo-Confucian understanding of Chunchu, it can be argued that the Gangnyung section of this book contained the standard codes which formed the basis of Chunchu studies. Of five key themes in Gangnyung, this paper addresses two in detail, and . The first argues that Chunchu is the grand principle of governing the world; a living law which drives the reality. The second theme, through a detailed recording of Chunchu, examines the grand principle of Chunchu. When studies after the present paper address the remaining themes in Gangnyung, it is expected that an access to the general characteristics or features of Chunchuhak during Chosun dynasty will be granted.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.63
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• pp.141-168
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• 2016

This paper studies Zhu Xi's critical comprehension about the theories of gewu zhizhi of senior Confucian scholars, focusing on the Daxue Zhangju, Daxue huowen, and Daxue huowen yulei of Zhuzi yulei. Zhu Xi described in depth the theory of gewu zhizhi of Sima Guang, disciples of the Cheng Yi(Lu Dalin, Xie Liangzuo, Yin Ch'un, Yang Shi), scholars of Hu-Xing province(Hu An-guo, Hu hong), Li Dong in the Daxue huowen and Daxue huowen yulei, by his understanding through a criticism of the theory of gewu zhizh, thereby formulating a theory of gewu zhizhi on the basis of Cheng Yi's theory. Through this criticism of senior Confucian scholars, Zhu Xi explained that the theory of gewu zhizhi was departed from a positive affirmation of things. Zhu Xi claimed that the crux of gewu zhizhi was a thorough understanding like a sudden release achieved by accumulating Li of things. This plan of Zhu Xi with respect to "Supplementary Chapter on the Gewu Zhizhi" showed that the theory of gewu zhizhi which was set up by himself corresponded to the theory of Cheng Yi's, and it was based on the Confucian tradition firmly.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.41
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• pp.361-384
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• 2010

This paper focused on studies of Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書") written by Lee Ik, also known as his honored name, Seong Ho(星湖). Seong Ho(星湖) also had left 10 types of exegetical commentary other than Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書"). The reason for choosing Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書") was that the teachings of Kongzi(孔子) were contained in Noneo("論語"). Also when we understand the Analects of Kongzi(孔子) correctly, we will be able to understand other Confucian Canons accordingly. Seong Ho(星湖) recommended Zhuzi(朱子) pronounced Noneo Jipju ("論語集註") as a critical commentary on the Analects. That is because there are no writings that had considered pupils' opinions and all of the various situations as much as Noneo Jipju ("論語集註"). For this reason, Noneo Jipju ("論語集註") could play a role as an excellent text. However, it is not just quality of the book that matters. While reading the main body, there is an author's comment, saying "For now, I write down my skeptical point of view." With this short note, the author expressed that "Collected Annotation on the Analects" was not necessarily the best teaching. This is the consequence of 'doubt.' We should be skeptical about the Analects of Confucius. That is not to say that the Analects are unconditionally bad. Seong Ho(星湖) expounded that the beginning students should regard Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書") as their textbook, but do not cling only to the disciplines elucidated in the book. Seong Ho(星湖) had written Noneo Jilseo("論語疾書") in order to help people to understand Confucius correctly. Although this book was written during his early professional years, Seong Ho(星湖) had grasped the essence of teaching precisely. Then, what is the essence? That is 'Doubt.' Innate factors therein can be correctly understood through 'Doubt.' In this context, Seong Ho(星湖) had made such comment as "For now, I write down my skeptical point of view." To understand the opinions of Confucius correctly, this process that being doubtful about the text is necessary. The Analects of Confucius are just similar to a coded message. To know accurately about the code, it is necessary to start from 'Doubt' at the first. Such a "Doubt" shall be a key to decrypt the coded messages further.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.65-89
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• 2018

This paper was triggered by the idea that the culture of ancestral rites and the patrilocality, which entail the excessive sacrifice on the part of the wife, that eventually led to the coinage of the expression, "housewives' holiday stress," is perhaps not the age-old traditions it claim to be, but rather a recent phenomenon. The purpose of this paper is to reveal that the loss of housewife's authority is the product of "becoming yangban (aristocrats)," which was a culture that was in fashion in the late Joseon dynasty. Until the late Joseon dynasty, women, in particular, the married women maintained an autonomous life which allowed them the authority to an extent, based on their properties that they brought from and the ties that they maintained with their original family and. However, such authority of the housewives disappeared since the invasion of Joseon by Japan and Qing in the year of Imjin (1592) and Byeongja (1636), respectively, as the daughters were excluded from receiving inheritance in a desperate attempt to maintain the impoverished family after the wars. However, patriarchy based on neo-Confucian custom and convention of patriarchal clan system could not spread to the entire population immediately after the wars, as it was impossible to include everyone in the aristocratic class (yangban). It was due to the increase of aristocrats within the continued social changes that occurred after the wars that the neo-Confucian patriarchy became the norm and ethical standard in Joseon society. Also, the theory of propriety in neo-Confucianism that everyone from the emperor down to commoners must abide by the patriarchal clan system was realized through Zhuzi jiali, i.e. Master Zhu's Family Rituals, which institutionalized the system of family rites by setting up ancestral shrines in every household. For the aristocrats who lost their financial footing, the only basis they could rely on to prove their aristocratic lineage is the strict compliance with the rituals. Also, for the once commoners who turned into aristocrats one day had to emphasize the formal propriety in order to distinguish themselves from the commoners. Hence, the culture of "becoming yangban" in the nineteenth-century Joseon was what solidified the patriarchal rituals, decorum, and clan system. As a result, women have become subordinated to the husband's families, which forced the women, i.e. the housewives to serve them and sacrifice themselves for them. At times, women self-imposed such restraints on them as they led themselves into believing that it was necessary to maintain the family for their sons.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.11-24
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• 2020

The purpose of this study was to re-examine the neglected and forgotten Cheongdo Geoyeonjeong, to correct the wrong contents, examine the changes and conditions of the garden, and to establish basic data on the components of the forest in the future. In addition, it was extended to the Gongampungbyeog Cliff, the influence area of the Geoyeonjeongwonlim, and the results of the study were as follows; First, Based on the recitation of "Seonyu pungryu(仙遊風流)" in the "Cheongsuheon-yugo(聽水軒遺稿),", Dongchangcheon Stream and Gongampungbyeog(孔巖楓壁) were influenced by the outer gardens of the Georyeonjeongwonrim. Second, Small pavilion was built and arranged under the rock of Byeongam(Byeongpungbawi) in the management history of Geoyeonjeong Pavilion. The records show that Cheongsuheon used the Geoyeonjeong Pavilion as the original forest and even recognized Oewon, which is a scenic influence, as the Gongampungbyeog Cliff. Third, Many of the poems related to Gongam were recognized as Seunggyeong, which represents the Unmun area, and the eight scenery of Cheongdo and Unmungugok were established here as proof that Gongampungbyeog Cliff was very faithful to the traditional Seunggyeong aspect of Gongampungbyeog Cliff, and the crystalline structure of the location was implied as an external source of Geoyeonjeongwonlim. Fourth, The lower part of Dongchangcheon Stream, which stretches from Geoyeonjeongwonrim to Gongam, is filled with attractions consisting of cancerous areas such as Punghodae, Moseongam, Buangdae, Gokcheondae, Saganjeong, Hakgadae, and Hyeongjeam, which provide a clearer picture of the space and landscape of the Geyeonjeongwonrim Outer Garden. Fifth, The expression "dragging water, spilling it into the courtyard, and sending it back to the downtown of the field" of the Cheongsuheon-yugo suggests that the site of Geoyeonjeong Pavilion was originally a prevention. It is also inferred that Cheng Shu-heon also wanted to respect runners and pursue natural views like runners. Sixth, The record of planting a description of spring water and willow trees in "Geoyeonjeong Manyeong(居然亭晩影)」" and "Sanggukseol(霜菊說)」" suggests that the chrysanthemum was planted and planted, and that the chrysanthemum was used to describe the Osanggojeol(傲霜孤節), which means that he would not yield and keep his incision alone despite severe frost. Seventh, It is believed that the writing was written by Cheongsuheon in 1844 during the period of the creation of the Wonrim. The rock letters on the floor of Geoyeonjeong suggest the names of the receiving and the winning prizes. Most of the passages are based on nuclear power plants, including Muidogyo of the Zhuzi, and most of them incorporate the virtues of the Gunja and the natural views of the Eunja. In addition, the rock writing 'Gyeong(敬)' or 'Uidang(義堂)' is a substitute for special worship objects or introspection, adding to the significance and scenic properties of the Georyeon Garden Forest.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.35
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• pp.387-414
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• 2009

This paper looks into the Confucius customs of Yiphu and Seungjung, that is respectively a problem of deciding the successor of the family and a matter of establishing Jongtong (宗統: the proper inheritance line of the family), especially concerning the funerary and ancestor memorial services through Seongho Lee Ik's discussion on proprieties, whose Yeahak (禮學: Studies on Proprieties) is representative of the eighteenth century Yeahak. Seongho Lee Ik sees that there is one penetrating principle that should apply the same concerning Jongtong, regardless whether it is for the state or for a family or whether it is for the royal family or for the gentry in or out of the state service. To establish this one penetrating principle, he emphasizes the manners that fit one's circumstance and social standing, proposed as the theory and practice of 'Seoin-garyea (庶人家禮: Proper customs that even common people with no official titles can practice in marking their important life events like coming-of-age, marriage, and death)'. These two aspects of Seongho seem at odds with each other at a glance. Yet given that he considers that keeping proprietary manners for their own social standings would help secure the fundamental social order, which is of supreme importance to him, it makes sense. Next, the most problematic issues about Seongjung and Yiphu are the timing when one can declare the 'absence of the patriarch' and the manner how one substitutes oneself for the absent patriarch. Seongho sees that it is one thing to 'inherit the Jongtong' and it is another to 'become a next patriarch'. Basically, he does not separate the problem of Jongtong by one's social standings. The real situation involved can be different based on one's social standing, he readily acknowledges. Yet, 'the unchangeable ethical principle between the father and the son' would prevail over the same regardless of classes, he insists. This attitude of his is in line with his philosophy of proprieties and his practical guidance that proposes 'Seoin-Garyea' with an appeal to establish fundamental social order based on the practice of proper manners in accordance of one's social standing as he philosophizes the rules of Jongtong on the base of the one penetrating principle.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.223-248
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• 2012

This research is to investigate his creative perspective to Deahak through Seoktan Lee Shin-Ui's Daehakcharok. Lee Shin-Ui is a scholar and politician in the middle of Joseon Dynasty. His ancestral home is Jeonui. The honor name is Gyeongchik and pen name is Seoktan. The posthumous name is MunJeong. His Daehakcharok was written in the process of taking basic foundation as the politic leader. It was a record that he usually wrote down things realized after reading Deahakjanggu. Seoktan clearly classified the meaning of Jang (chapter) and Gu (phrase) as the structure of Deahakjanggu, and created new realm about the method of classified study. In the preface of Deahakjanggu, he emphasized that the core of Deahak is in Gyeong (敬, respect or honor), and clarified that Deahak deals with Sim (心, mind) and Seong (性, human nature). In the interpretation of Daehakdeajeon, he thought that the core of Samgangnyeong (三綱領, three doctrines or essential principles) depended on Myeong (明, realizing), Shin (新, taking re-newness), and Ji (止, achieving) as the meaning of 'realizing, taking re-newness, and achieving', and interpreted the context of Tao (道, the way), Myeong (明, realizing), and Deuk (德, virtue) in detail. In addition, he interpreted various concepts and meaning of Deahak with Myeongmyeongdeuk (明明德, realizing human nature) and Sinmin (新民, renewing people) as relationship with Ji(知, realization), Haeng(行, practice), Che(體, main structure), and Yong (用, dealing with), and developed Neo-Confucianism deeply. In case of the main interpretation of Deahakjanggu, he analytically reviewed 50 phrases one by one throughout 10 total chapters. In case of chapter five which includes Zhuzi's the theory of Gyeokmul (格物, approaching things or persons), he interpreted it in three parts and classified Gyeokmulchiji (格物致知, approaching things or persons and then realizing their nature) about researching deeply of principle and each thing, and Mulgyeokjiji (物格知至, approaching things or persons and then realizing them) about all things. He arranged in order of 'principle- researching-result' as well. In final, chapter ten showing the core of politic thought emphasized the way of Hyeolgu (?矩, considering others' situation through his/her own experience) intensively and informed that it is the best virtue for a governor.