• Title/Summary/Keyword: Yu Chi Jin

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Pest Control Effect and Optimal dose by Pesticide Dispersion Spray Method in the Paprika Cultivation (파프리카 시설재배지에서 약제 살포방법에 의한 해충방제 효과와 최적 살포함량)

  • Jin, Na Young;Lee, You Kyoung;Lee, Bo Ram;Jun, Jun Hack;Kim, Yu Seop;Seo, Mi Ja;Lim, Chi Hwan;Youn, Young Nam;Yu, Yong Man
    • The Korean Journal of Pesticide Science
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    • v.18 no.4
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    • pp.350-357
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    • 2014
  • We studied on pesticide residue and pest control effect when using various types of sprayers on paprika cultivation. Additionally, a test was conducted to optimize chemical content per unit area in condition of optimum pest control. Two types of sprayer were tested (three times) on paprika cultivation which was divided into seven sections. Blind spots were also examined using a water sensitive paper when spraying chemical pesticide, remote controlled sprayer were confirmed to be not effective in terms of its spraying capacity. However, a U-shaped sprayer was confirmed that it sprayed enough on all the parts of a plant in green house including the blind spots. Additionally, it does not exceed the minimum residue limits on the all parts of pesticides residue conditions. When using remote controlled sprayer, water sensitive paper were changed to blue color (82.5% and 81.2%) in terms of controlling Bemisia tabaci and Aphis gossypii based on the two spraying manners. 53.0% and 42.6% of control effect were shown on the fair parts of the plants. However, on the poor parts on which pesticides were not well-sprayed, thus, not-remained, more number of pests increased. Meanwhile, on farming that only one type of pesticide has been used, resistance pests present with very low control effect, even though sufficient amount of pesticide was well-sprayed. On the test of the optimum amount of spraying per a unit area, which shows no differences in the two cases of using 5L and 2.5L of chemical pesticides on 9 plants of paprika that has 81.8% and 84.5% control effect, respectively.

Effect of Semisulcospira libertina Extracts from Different Extraction Processes on Liver Cell Toxicity and Ethanol Metabolism (간세포 독성과 에탄올 대사에서 추출 조건에 따른 다슬기 추출물의 효과)

  • Cho, Kyoung Hwan;Choo, Ho Jin;Seo, Min Gyun;Kim, Jong Cheol;Shin, Yu Jin;Ryu, Gi Hyung;Cho, Hee Young;Jeong, Chi-Young;Hah, Young-Sool
    • Food Engineering Progress
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    • v.21 no.2
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    • pp.158-166
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    • 2017
  • Although Semisulcospira libertina is generally regarded as a supplement for the alleviation of alcohol hangover, little is known about its effects on cell metabolism. Therefore, this study was conducted to analyze the constituents of the extracts prepared using different extraction methods and to compare their biochemical properties. The amino acid contents were found to be much higher in acidic and enzymatic hydrolysates than hot water extracts from S. libertina. DPPH radical scavenging activities in acidic and enzymatic hydrolysates were higher than those of hot water extracts. Three types of S. libertina hydrolysate was added to HepG2 cells damaged by acetaminophen (AAP), after which the survival rate of HepG2 cell were measured. In addition, lactate dehydrogenase (LDH) activities in the culture media were evaluated. The survival rates of HepG2 cells were $77.0{\pm}4.3%$ and $81.5{\pm}1.3%$ at 3 h and 5h enzymatic hydrolysates, respectively. These cell survival rates were higher compared to those of the negative control group ($67.8{\pm}4.3%$) treated only with acetaminophen. Cellular toxicities induced by treatment with AAP were also significantly alleviated in response to treatment with the extracts of S. libertina. In addition, the activities of 2 key enzymes that metabolize ethanol, alcohol dehydrogenase and aldehyde dehydrogenase, were upregulated by 4.7- and 2.7-fold respectively in response to treatment with a 3 h enzymatic hydrolysate of S. libertina. Taken together, these results provide biochemical evidence of the method by which S. libertina exerts its biological functions, including the alleviation of alcohol hangover and the protection of liver cells against toxic insults.

The Influence of Perception and Attitudes of Inpatients Towards the Activation of Private Health Insurance (민간의료보험 활성화에 대한 입원환자의 인식 및 태도에 미치는 영향 - 서울시내 일개 종합병원을 대상으로 -)

  • Yoon, Soo-Jin;Kim, Seong-Ju;Yu, Seung-Hum;Oh, Hyohn-Joo
    • Korea Journal of Hospital Management
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    • v.13 no.1
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    • pp.24-41
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    • 2008
  • This research is aimed at analyzing and understanding the perception and attitudes of inpatients in a general hospital in Seoul towards the activation of private health insurance. Survey was conducted against 231 inpatients, results of which were analyzed in the methods of frequency analysis, chi square test, and logistic regression. The results are summarized as follows; First, better-educated population who finished college education at least, higher-income population, and people who had more knowledge about private health insurance showed more perception about activation of private health insurance. Second, better-educated population who finished college education at least, higher-income population, those who are insured in existing private insurance, oncological patients, and people who had more knowledge about private health insurance showed more positive attitude towards private health insurance paying for actual damages, long-term care insurance, and income security insurance. Third, age and education were the factors affecting perception about activation of private health insurance. The older the age is, perception was 1.035 times positive towards activation of private health insurance, and those who finished college education or above showed 3.148 times positive perception towards the same. Forth, surgical patients showed 1.087 times more positive attitude towards private health insurance paying for actual damages than internal medicine patients, while oncological patients showed 2.314 times more positive attitude than internal medicine patients. Further, understanding on the activation of private health insurance was 6.014 times higher in the higher understanding group than in the lower understanding group. Intention to use long-term care insurance was 2.692 times stronger in the male group than in the female group, and 3.616 times stronger in the oncological patients group than in internal medicine patients group. Further, understanding on the activation of private health insurance was 3.881 times deeper in the higher understanding group than in the lower understanding group. Intention to use income security insurance was 3.185 times stronger in those who have academic background of under the high school than those over the college, and 4.175 times higher in the group those whose monthly average income is over 4 million won than those under 4 million won. Also, intention to use income security insurance was 4.323 times higher in the group those who are insured by existing private insurances than those who are not insured by those insurances and it was 5.234 times higher in the group of oncological patients than in the group of internal medicine patients. Further, intention to use income security insurance was 3.559 times higher in the group those who thought that out-of-pocket money of the National Health Insurance is too much to bear than those it is quite endurable. Understanding on the activation of private health insurance was 4.875 times deeper in the higher understanding group than in the lower understanding group. There were some suggestions could be made based on the results of this research. First, reinforced publicity and education is needed for the low-educated or low-income group, as there are gaps in the understanding on the activation of private health insurance depending on the degree of education and income. Second, government should prepare administrative complementary measures to solve the problem of adverse selection by the consumer which is foreseen when private health insurances are activated. Third, government should suggest the desirable course of development of private health insurance items to ensure efficient use of enormous fund of private insurance market for health security of the people. Further, institutional complementary measures are needed to convert existing cancer insurances or specific disease insurances to private health insurances paying for actual damages guaranteeing against every kind of disease. Forth, it judged that, not only private health insurances paying for actual damages, but also long-term care insurances and income security insurances are prospective as fields to create fresh demand for insurance industry.

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Seasonality of the Biological Activity Factors of the hard clam Meretrix lusoria in the Western Coast of Korea (한국 서해안 백합 Meretrix lusoria의 생물학적 활성요인의 계절성)

  • Song, Jae-Hee;Kim, Chi-Hong;Park, Sung-Woo;Yu, Jin-Ha;Jo, Yeong-Jo
    • Journal of Aquaculture
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    • v.21 no.2
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    • pp.111-122
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    • 2008
  • This study was conducted to assess the usefulness of the temperature characteristics of the tidal flat sediments during low tide as a environmental factor, and burrowing behaviour, fatness, total hemocyte counts(THCs) and differential hemocyte counts(DHCs) of hard clam Meretrix lusoria as biological activity indices for the management of hard clam farms located in Taean(Chungnam province) and Gimje(Jeonbuk province) tidal flat in Korea. Temperature ranges of the sediment at 1cm depth during spring(March to May) and summer(June to August) in Taean(where the exposure time was about $5.5{\sim}6$ hours during low tide) were $8.7{\sim}26.8^{\circ}C\;and\;27.6{\sim}32.8^{\circ}C$, respectively. Even though there was no significant difference(P>0.05), temperatures of the surface sediment where submerged with remained seawater were generally higher than that of uncovered with seawater. Burrowing depths of normally digged hard clams were 0.9{\sim}3.6cm from March to October, 2002. In the field experiment performed at Taean farming ground covered with seawater, burrowing times of the clams under natural water temperatures were $41.6{\pm}10minutes$ in February and $5.4{\pm}1.3minutes$ in August, respectively, and these were influenced by water temperatures. Fatness of hard clams began to decrease from May(at Taean tidal flat) and June(at Gimje tidal flat), showed the lowest level in August and increased again from September. Total hemocytes counts in the hemolymph of the hard clams were decreased to the lowest level in July($24.7{\times}10^4cells/mL$, at Taean tidal flat) and August($28.2{\times}10^4cells/mL$, at Gimje tidal flat), and significantly increased again from September(at Taean tidal flat, P<0.01) and October(at Gimje tidal flat, P<0.001), respectively. We observed three types of hemocytes from the hemolymph of hard clams according to whether hemocytes retain the granules or not and the size of the granules. As a results, we could found that periodical monitoring of the sediment temperatures, clam burrowing behaviour and hemocyte parameters were very helpful for the management of hard clam farming.

The Injury and its Related Factors in the Elderly Using the Data of 2008 Community Health Survey (2008 지역사회 건강조사 자료를 이용한 노인의 손상 관련요인)

  • Kwon, Yu-Jin;Ryu, So-Yeon;Shin, Seung-Ok;Chun, In-Ae;Park, Moon-Sook;Shim, Jae-Soon
    • Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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    • v.39 no.1
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    • pp.1-13
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    • 2014
  • Objective: The objectives were to estimate the rate of the injury in the elderly over the past year and to identify factors related to injury in the elderly in South Korea. Method: Using data from the 2008 Community Health Survey, 43,049 elderly persons, aged 65 years and older, were selected as study subjects. Their experience of injury during the past year and other variables, including socio-demographic factors, health-related factors, and diagnosed chronic diseases, were used. The chi-squared test and multiple logistic regression analysis with weighted analysis were conducted and statistical significance was set at p<0.05. Result: The rate of injury in the elderly during the past year was 5.1%. The most common types of the injury were falling/slipping down and traffic accidents. Factors related to injury in the elderly were living alone, current drinking, depression, poor self-rated health, stroke, and osteoporosis. Living alone (odds ratio 1.23, 95% CI: 1.05-1.45), current drinkers (OR 1.19, 95% CI: 1.05-1.35), poor self-rated health (OR 1.72, 95% CI: 1.43-2.08), depression (OR 1.23, 95% CI: 1.17-1.68), and history of stroke (OR 1.40, 95% CI: 1.17-1.68), and history of osteoporosis (OR 1.45, 95% CI: 1.26-1.66) were related to an increased risk of injury. Conclusions: Intervention programs that consider the risk factors related to injury should be developed and implemented to decrease and prevent injuries in the elderly.

Efficacy of Darbepoetin alfa in Anemia Developed during Chemotherapy for Lung Cancer (폐암 환자에서 항암화학치료 중 발생한 빈혈에 대한 Darbepoetin alfa의 효과)

  • Ban, Hee-Jung;Chi, Su-Young;Park, Cheol-Kyu;Kim, Eun-Young;Kim, Yoon-Hee;Kim, Kyu-Sik;Ju, Jin-Young;Kwon, Yong-Soo;Oh, In-Jae;Kim, Yu-Il;Lim, Sung-Chul;Kim, Young-Chul
    • Tuberculosis and Respiratory Diseases
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    • v.66 no.2
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    • pp.104-109
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    • 2009
  • Background: Anemia is quite common in lung cancer patients and known to decrease the quality of life. Darbepoetin alfa is an erythropoiesis-stimulating protein approved for administration to cancer patients. This study examined the efficacy and safety of darbepoetin alfa in lung cancer patients with a hemoglobin concentration <10 g/dl during chemotherapy. Methods: Lung cancer patients (n=178) received darbepoetin alfa at doses of 1.91 ${\mu}g/kg$ per week until the hemoglobin concentration increased to >10 g/dl. The efficacy and safety were measured by comparing the hemoglobin concentration and assessing the adverse events. Results: After chemotherapy, the hemoglobin concentration decreased to 9.03${\pm}$0.64 g/dl. With the darbepoetin alfa treatment, the hemoglobin concentration increased to 10.09${\pm}$1.17 g/dl after 4 weeks reaching a peak hemoglobin concentration of 10.45${\pm}$1.18 g/dl. The changes in hemoglobin after 4 and 8 weeks with treatment were 1.08${\pm}$1.24 g/dl and 1.38${\pm}$1.59 g/dl (p<0.01). At least a 1 g/dl or more increase in hemoglobin was observed in 62.4% of patients. There were no serious adverse effects except for some mild reactions. Conclusion: Darbepoetin alfa administered to lung cancer patients appears to be an effective, well-tolerated treatment for chemotherapy induced anemia.

A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구)

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.20 no.4
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    • pp.211-250
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    • 2007
  • 1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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A Study on The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) of The Traditional Medicine of Japan (일본 '고증파(考證派)' 의학에 관한 연구)

  • Park, Hyun-Kuk;Kim, Ki-Wook
    • The Journal of Dong Guk Oriental Medicine
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    • v.10
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    • pp.1-40
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    • 2008
  • 1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

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Change of Harmful Micnoorganisms in Pickling Process of Salted Cabbage According to Salting and Washing Conditions (배추김치의 절임공정 조건에 따른 위해미생물 변화)

  • Kim, Jin-Hee;Lee, Yu-Keun;Yang, Ji-Young
    • Journal of Food Hygiene and Safety
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    • v.26 no.4
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    • pp.417-423
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    • 2011
  • Salted Cabbage products purchased from different companies at 4 different districts in South Korea were detected in this study. Cabbage and salt are the main materials for kimchi manufacture. The results of general bacteria contaminated in the samples were $1.4{\times}10^5$, $6.4{\times}10^5$, $1.7{\times}10^7$, $3.6{\times}10^7$ CFU/g in cabbage and $2.7{\times}10^3$ CFU/g in salt, respectively. The results of coliforms were detected as $2.4{\times}10^4$ CFU/g, and there was no Escherichia coli in any sample. Staphylococcus aureus was detected in cabbage as $9.9{\times}10^2$, $8.0{\times}10^1$, and $3.0{\times}10^3$ CFU/g, Bacillus cereus was also found in cabbage as $4.1{\times}10^3$ and $1.0{\times}10^1$ CFU/g. The results of Campylobacter jejuni and Vibrio paraheamolyticus were $2.4{\times}10^6$ and $1.0{\times}10^4$ CFU/g in cabbage, respectively. $1.0{\times}10^3$ CFU/g for Yersinia enterocolitica was determined in salt. In case of Listeria monocytogenes, the results were $1.5{\times}10^1$, $1.1{\times}10^2$, and $4.5{\times}10^1$ CFU/g in cabbage. Total batcteria ranged from $1.4{\times}10^1$ to $4.4{\times}10^5$ CFU/g were detected in salting solution, from $1.5{\times}10^4$ to $1.2{\times}10^8$ CFU/g in dehydrated salted-cabbage, from $9.4{\times}10^4{\sim}1.3{\times}10^8$ CFU/g in minced salted-cabbage. The results of E. coli in samples from different companies were different from one to anther. The results of the contamination of S. aureus and B. cereus showed positive in salting solution and dehydrated salted-cabbage at a portion of companies. V. paraheamolyticus was detected in salting solution. The contamination of Y. enterocolitica ranged from $9.5{\times}10^2$ to $1.8{\times}10^3$ CFU/g in salting solution, from $1.7{\times}10^1$ to $2.7{\times}10^2$ CFU/g in dehydrated salted-cabbage, from $1.2{\times}10^2$ to $1.3{\times}10^8$ CFU/g in minced salted-cabbage. The contamination of L. monocytogenes ranged from $8.0{\times}10^2$ to $1.7{\times}10^4$ CFU/g in salting solution, from $2.8{\times}10^2$ to $1.2{\times}10^4$ CFU/g in dehydrated salted-cabbage. During the manufacture processing of Kim chi, microorganisms were detected in cabbages salted in different concentrations of salt solution at 8%, 10%, 12% and 15% for 5-20 hours. As the results, $3.5{\times}10^5-1.7{\times}10^6$, $3.4{\times}10^5-2.5{\times}10^6$, $5.4{\times}10^5-2.3{\times}10^6$, $4.0{\times}10^5-2.3{\times}10^6$ CFU/g were detected for E. coli in samples at different treatment conditions. $1.9{\times}10^4-4.1{\times}10^4$, $4.1{\times}10^3-2.8{\times}10^4$, $1.5{\times}10^3-7.8{\times}10^3$, $2.2{\times}10^4-6.6{\times}10^4$ CFU/g were detected for S. aureus in samples at different treatment conditions. Salmonella typhimurium was detected in salted cabbage with various salt concentration after salting for 5 hrs, the result ranged from $2.5{\times}10^5$ to $3.8{\times}10^6$ CFU/g, and change of microorganism was the smallest in salted cabbage under the concentration of salting solution at 10% for 15 hours. The cabbage salted in 10% salting solution for 15 hours were washed with water for 2 and 3 times, with chlorine for 3 times, and with acetic acid for 3 times. E. coli was detected in the samples washed with water for 2 and 3 times, washed with chlorine for 3 times. The contamination of S. aureus was $3.0{\times}10^5$ CFU/g in the samples washed with water for 2 times, $5.6{\times}10^3$ CFU/g in the samples washed with acetic acid for 3 times, $3.6{\times}10^5$ CFU/g in the samples washed with water for 3 times and same amount in the samples washed with chlorine for 3 times. According to the results, the contamination of S. aureus was $5.6{\times}10^3$ CFU/g lower in samples washed with chlorine and acetic acid than that in samples washed with water. In case of S. typhimurium, it has been detected in samples washed with water and chlorine, $3.0{\times}10^1$ CFU/g as the lowest concentration among all the samples was measured in the samples washed with acetic acid for 3 times.