• Radiation Oncology Journal
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.157-166
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• 2000

Purpose : This investigation was peformed in order to improve the health care of radiation workers, to predict a risk, to minimize the radiation exposure hazard to them and for them to realize radiation exposure danger when they work in radiation area in hospital. Methods and Materials : The documentations checked regularly for personal radiation exposure in four university hospitals in Pusan city in Korea between January 1, 1993 and December 31, 1997 were analyzed. There were 458 persons in this documented but 111 persons who worked less then one year were excluded and only 347 persons were included in this study. Results : The average of yearly radiation exposure of 347 persons was 1.52$\pm$1.35 mSv. Though it was less than 50mSv, the limitaion of radiation in law but 125 (36%) people received higher radiation exposure than non-radiation workers. Radiation workers under 30 year old have received radiation exposure of mean 1.87$\pm$1.01 mSv/year, mean 1.22$\pm$0.69 mSv between 31 and 40 year old and mean 0.97$\pm$0.43 mSv/year over 41year old (p<0.001). Men received mean 1.67$\pm$1.54 mSv/year were higher than women who received mean 1.13$\pm$0.61 mSv/year (p<0.01). Radiation exposure in the department of nuclear modicine department in spite of low energy sources is higher than other departments that use radiations in hospital (p<0.05). And the workers who received mean 3.59$\pm$1.81 msv/year in parts of management of radiation sources and injection of sources to patient receive high radiation exposure in nuclear medicine department (p<0.01). In department of diagnostic radiology high radiation exposure is in barium enema rooms where workers received mean 3.74$\pm$1.74 mSv/year and other parts where they all use fluoroscopy such as angiography room of mean 1.17$\pm$0.35 mSv/year and upper gastrointestinal room of mean 1.74$\pm$1.34 mSv/year represented higher radiation exposure than average radiation exposure in diagnostic radiology (p<0.01). Doctors and radiation technologists received higher radiation exposure of each mean 1.75$\pm$1.17 mSv/year and mean 1.50$\pm$1.39 mSv/year than other people who work in radiation area in hospital (p<0.05). Especially young doctors and technologists have the high opportunity to receive higher radiation exposure. Conclusions : The training and education of radiation workers for radiation exposure risks are important and it is necessary to rotate worker in short period in high risk area. The hospital management has to concern health of radiation workers more and to put an effort to reduce radiation exposure as low as possible in radiation areas in hospital.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.97-104
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• 1979

According to Soil Taxonomy which has been developed over the past 20 years in the soil conservation service of the U. S. D. A, Soils in Korea are classified. This system is well suited for the classification of the most of soils. But paddy field soils have some difficulties in classification because Soil Taxonomy states no proposals have yet been developed for classifying artificially irrigated soils. This paper discusses some problems in the application of Taxonomy and suggestes the classification of paddy field soils in Korea. Following is the summary of the paper. 1. Anthro aquic, Aquic Udipsamments : The top soils of these soils are saturated with irrigated water at some time of year and have mottles of low chroma(2 or less) more than 50cm of the soil surface. (Ex. Sadu, Geumcheon series) 2. Anthroaquic Udipsamments : These sails are like Anthroaquic, Aquic Udipsamments except for the mottles of low chroma within 50cm of the soil surface. (Ex. Baegsu series) 3. Halic Psammaquents : These soils contain enough salts as distributed in the profile that they interfere with the growth of most crop plants and located on the coastal dunes. The water table fluctuates with the tides. (Ex. Nagcheon series) 4. Anthroaquic, Aquic Udifluvents : They have some mottles that have chroma of 2 or less in more than 50cm of the surface. The upper horizon is saturated with irrigated water at sometime. (Ex. Maryeong series) 5. Anthro aquic Udifluvents : These soils are saturated with irrigated water at some time of year and have mottles of low chroma(2 or less) within 50cm of the surface soils. (Ex. Haenggog series) 6. Fluventic Haplaquepts : These soils have a content of organic carbon that decreases irregularly with depth and do not have an argillic horizon in any part of the pedon. Since ground water occur on the surface or near the surface, they are dominantly gray soils in a thick mineral regolith. (Ex Baeggu, Hagseong series) 7. Fluventic Thapto-Histic Haplaquepts : These soils have a buried organic matter layer and the upper boundary is within 1m of the surface. Other properties are same as Fluventic Haplaquepts. (Ex. Gongdeog, Seotan series) 8. Fluventic Aeric Haplaquepts : These soils have a horizon that has chroma too high for Fluventic Haplaquepts. The higher chroma is thought to indicate either a shorter period of saturation of the whole soils with water or some what deeper ground water than in the Fluventic Haplaquepts. The correlation of color with soil drainage classes is imperfect. (Ex. Mangyeong, Jeonbug series) 9. Fluventic Thapto-Histic Aeric Haplaquepts : These soils are similar to Fluventic Thapto Histic Haplaquepts except for the deeper ground water. (Ex. Bongnam series) 10. Fluventic Aeric Sulfic Haplaquepts : These soils are similar to Fluventic Aeric Haplaquepts except for the yellow mottles and low pH (<4.0) in some part between 50 and 150cm of the surface. (Ex. Deunggu series) 11. Fluventic Sulfaquepts : These soils are extremely acid and toxic to most plant. Their horizons are mostly dark gray and have yellow mottles of iron sulfate with in 50cm of the soil surface. They occur mainly in coastal marshes near the mouth of rivers. (Ex. Bongrim, Haecheog series) 12. Fluventic Aeric Sulfaquepts : They have a horizon that has chroma too high for Fluventic Sulfaquepts. Other properties are same as Fluventic Sulfaquepts. (Ex. Gimhae series) 13. Anthroaquic Fluvaquentic Eutrochrepts : These soils have mottles of low chroma in more than 50cm of the surface due to irrigated water. The base saturation is 60 percent or more in some subhroizon that is between depth of 25 and 75cm below the surface. (Ex. Jangyu, Chilgog series) 14. Anthroaquic Dystric Fluventic Eutrochrepts : These soils are similar to Anthroaquic Fluvaquentic Eutrochrepts except for the low chroma within 50cm of the surface. (Ex. Weolgog, Gyeongsan series) 15. Anthroaquic Fluventic Dystrochrepts : These soils have mottles that have chroma of 2 or less within 50cm of the soil surface due to artificial irrigation. They have lower base saturation (<60 percert) in all subhorizons between depths of 25 and 75cm below the soil surface. (Ex. Gocheon, Bigog series) 16. Anthro aquic Eutrandepts : These soils are similar to Anthroaquic Dystric Fluventic Eutrochrepts except for lower bulk density in the horizon. (Ex. Daejeong series) 17. Anthroaquic Hapludalfs : These soils' have a surface that is saturated with irrigated water at some time and have chroma of 2 or less in the matrix and higher chroma of mottles within 50cm of the surface. (Ex. Hwadong, Yongsu series) 18. Anthro aquic, Aquic Hapludalfs : These soils are similar to Anthro aquic Hapludalfs except for the matrix that has chroma 2 or less and higher chroma of mottles in more than 50cm of the surface. (Ex. Geugrag, Deogpyeong se ries)

• Food Science and Preservation
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• v.16 no.5
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• pp.686-698
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• 2009

We sought basic data for product development and storage improvement of abalone. We explored drying methodologies, such as shade drying, cold air drying, and vacuum freeze drying. We also examined various physicochemical features of both meat and viscera. Raw abalone meat had $78.88{\pm}1.01%$ moisture, $9.24{\pm}0.27%$ crude protein, and $10.05{\pm}0.81%$ carbohydrate (all w/w). The moisture level of dried abalone meat was highest after cold air drying, at $18.38{\pm}0.91%$, and lowest after vacuum freeze drying, at $1.05{\pm}0.05%$. The total amino acid content of raw abalone meat was $17,124.05{\pm}493.18\;mg%$, and fell after shade-drying to $12,969.92{\pm}583.65\;mg%$, and to $13,328.78{\pm}653.11\;mg%$ after cold air drying. The total free amino acid content of raw abalone meat was $4,261.99{\pm}106.55\;mg%$, and rose after shade-drying to $6,336.50{\pm}285.15\;mg%$, to $5,072.04{\pm}248.53\;mg%$ after cold air drying, and to $4,638.85{\pm}218.03\;mg%$ after vacuum freeze drying. The fatty acid proportions in raw abalone meat were $47.00{\pm}0.99%$ saturated, $22.18{\pm}1.05%$ monounsaturated, and $30.82{\pm}1.45%$ polyunsaturated. In the viscera, however, the proportions were $36.72{\pm}0.74%$ saturated, $25.44{\pm}1.12%$ monounsaturated, and $37.84{\pm}1.67%$ polyunsaturated. The contents of chondroitin sulfate in raw abalone were $11.95{\pm}0.35%$ in meat and $7.71{\pm}0.19%$ in viscera (both w/w). After shade-drying, the chondroitin sulfate content was $16.57{\pm}0.90%$ in meat and $9.24{\pm}0.50%$ in viscera. The figures after cold air drying were $16.17{\pm}0.79%$ and $12.44{\pm}0.61%$, and those after vacuum freeze drying $25.17{\pm}1.16%$ and $15.22{\pm}0.70%$ (thus including the highest meat content). The level of collagen in raw abalone was $69.80{\pm}3.07\;mg/g$ in meat and $40.62{\pm}1.79\;mg/g$ in viscera. Meat and viscera dried in the shade had $144.05{\pm}7.78\;mg/g$ and $44.16{\pm}2.39\;mg/g$ collagen, respectively, whereas the figures after cold air drying were $133.29{\pm}6.53\;mg/g$ and $69.20{\pm}3.39\;mg/g$, and after vacuum freeze drying $137.51{\pm}6.33\;mg/g$ and $60.61{\pm}2.79\;mg/g$. Volatile basic nitrogen values of raw abalone showed a higher content in viscera, at $19.01{\pm}0.84\;mg%$, compared to meat ($10.10{\pm}0.44\;mg%$). The value for shade-dried abalone meat was $136.77{\pm}7.37\;mg%$ and that of viscera $197.97{\pm}10.69\;mg%$. After cold air drying the meat and visceral values were $27.32{\pm}1.34\;mg%$ and $71.37{\pm}3.50\;mg%$, respectively.

• Journal of the Korean association of regional geographers
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.1-19
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• 2000

This study is to investigate and analyze regional patterns of aging in Taejeon Metropolitan city-the overpopulated area of Choong-Cheong Province-by cohort analysis method. According to the population structure transition caused by rapid social and economic changes, Korea has made a rapid progress in population aging since 1970. This trend is so rapid that we should prepare for and cope with aging society. It is not only slow to cope with it in our society, but also there are few studies on population aging of the geographical field in Korea. The data of this study are the reports of Population and Housing Censuses in 1975 and 1985 and General Population and Housing Censuses with 10% sample survey in 1995 taken by National Statistical Office. The research method is to sample as the aging district the area with high aged population rate where the populations over 60 reside among total population during the years of 1975, 1985, 1995 and to sample the special districts of decreasing population where the population decreases very much and the special districts of increasing population in which the population increases greatly, presuming that the reason why aged population rate increases is that non-elderly population high in mobility moves out. It is then verified and ascertained whether it is true or not with cohort analysis method by age. Finally regional patterns in the city are found through the classification and modeling by type based on the aging district, the special districts of decreasing population, and the special districts of increasing population. The characteristics of the regional patterns show that there is social population transition and that non-elderly population moves out. The aging district with the high aged population rate is divided into high-level keeping-up type, relative falling type below the average of Taejeon city in aging progress, and relative rising type above the average of the city. This district can be found at both the central area of the city and the suburbs because Taejeon city has the characteristic of over-bounded city. But it cannot be found at the new built-up area with the in-migration of large population. The special districts of decreasing population where the population continues to decrease can be said to be the population doughnuts found at the CBD and its neighboring inner area. On the other hand, the special districts of increasing population where the population continues to increase are located at the new built-up area of the northern part in Taejeon city. The special districts of decreasing population are overlapping with the aging district and higher in aged population rate by the out-migration of non-elderly population. The special districts of increasing population are not overlapping with the aging district and lower in aged population rate by the in-migration of non-elderly population. To clarify the distribution map of the aging district, the special districts of decreasing and increasing population and the aging district are divided into four groups such as the special districts of decreasing population group-the same one as the aging district, the special districts of decreasing population group, the special districts of increasing population group, and the other district. With the cohort analysis method by age used to investigate the definite increase and decrease of aging population through population transition of each group, it is found that the progress of population aging is closely related to the social population fluctuation, especially that aged population rate is higher with the out-migration of non-elderly population. This is to explain each model of CBD, inner area, and the suburbs after modeling the aging district, the special districts of decreasing population, and the special districts of increasing population in Taejeon city. On the assumption that the city area is a concentric circle, it is possible to divide it into three areas such as CBD(A), the inner area(B), and the suburbs(C). The special districts of increasing and decreasing population in the city are divided into three districts-the special districts of decreasing population(a), the special districts of increasing population(b), and the others(c). The aging district of this city is divided into the aging district($\alpha$) and the others($\beta$). And then modeling these districts, it is probable to find regional patterns in the city. $Aa{\alpha}$ and $Ac{\beta}$ patterns are found in the CBD, in which $Aa{\alpha}$ is the special district of decreasing population and is higher in aged population rate because of aged population low in mobility staying behind and out-migration of non-elderly population. $Ba{\alpha}$, $Ba{\beta}$, $Bb{\beta}$, and $Bc{\beta}$ patterns are found in the inner area, in which neighboring area $Ba{\alpha}$ pattern is located. $Bb{\beta}$ pattern is located at the new developing area of newly built apartment complex. $Cb{\beta}$, $Cc{\alpha}$, and $Cc{\beta}$ patterns are found in the suburbs, among which $Cc{\alpha}$ pattern is highest in population aging. It is likely that the $Cc{\beta}$ under housing land readjustment on a large scale will be the $Cb{\beta}$ pattern. As analyzed above, marriage and out-migration of new family, non-elderly population, with house purchase are main factors in accelerating population aging in the central area of the city. Population aging is responsible for the great increase of aged population with longer life expectancy by the low death rate, the out-migration of non-elderly population, and the age group of new aged population in the suburbs. It is necessary to investigate and analyze the regional patterns of population aging at the time when population problems caused by aging as well as longer life expectancy are now on the increase. I hope that this will help the future study on population aging of the geographical field in Korea. As in the future population aging will be a major problem in our society, local autonomy should make a plan for the problem to the extent that population aging progresses by regional groups and inevitably prepare for it.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
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• v.40 no.5
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• pp.418-428
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• 2007

Physical and chemical properties of the aggregate by-products including sludge and crushed dust samples collected from the 21 private companies throughout the country were analyzed to evaluate possible usage of the by-products as artificial soil materials for plantation. The pH of the materials ranged from 8.0 to 11.0. The organic matter content was $2.85g\;kg^{-1}$, and the total nitrogen content and available phosphate content were low as 0.7 percents and $12.98mg\;kg^{-1}$, respectively. Exchangeable $Ca^{2+}$, $Mg^{2+}$, $K^+$, and $Na^+$ were 2.29, 0.47, 0.02 and $0.05cmol\;kg^{-1}$, respectively. Heavy metal contents were lower than the limits regulated by environmental law of Korea. Textural analysis showed that most of the materials were silt loam with low water holding capacity ranged from 0.67 to 7.41 percents, and with low hydraulic conductivity ranged from 0.4 to $2.8m\;s^{-1}$. Mineralogical analysis showed that the aggregate by product materials were mostly composed of silicate, alumina and ferric oxides except calcium oxide dominant materials derived from limestones. The primary minerals were quartz, feldspars and dolomites derived from granite and granitic gneiss materials. Some samples derived from limestone material showed calcite and graphite together with the above minerals. According to the result, it can be concluded that the materials could be used as the artificial soil material for plantation after proper improvement of the physico-chemical properties and fertility.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.1-24
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• 1981

Kangweon-Do is rich in sightseeing resources. There are three sightseeing areas;first, mountain area including Seolak and Ohdae National Parks, and chiak Provincial Park; second eastern coastal area; third lake area including the watersheds of North Han River. In this paper, several methods of forestation were studied for landscaping the North Han River watersheds centering around Chounchon. In Chunchon lake complex, there are four lakes; Uiam, Chunchon, Soyang and Paro from down to upper stream. The total surface area of the above four lakes is $14.4km^2$ the total pondage of them 4,155 million $m^3$, the total generation of electric power of them 410 thousand Kw, and the total forest area bordering on them $1,208km^2$. The bordering forest consists of planned management forest ($745km^2$) and non-planned management forest ($463km^2$). The latter is divided into green belt zone, natural conservation area, and protection forest. The forest in green belt amounts to $177km^2$ and centers around the 10km radios from Chunchon. The forest in natural conservation area amounts to $165km^2$, which is established within 2km sight range from the Soyang-lake sides. Protection forest surrounding the lakes is $121km^2$ There are many scenic places, recreation gardens, cultural goods and ruins in this lake complex, which are the same good tourist resources as lakes and forest. The forest encirelng the lakes has the poor average growing stock of $15m^3/ha$, because 70% of the forest consists of the young plantation of 1 to 2 age class. The ration of the needle-leaved forest, the broad-leaved forest and the mixed forest in 35:37:28. From the standpoint of ownership, the forest consists of national forest (36%), provincial forest (14%), Gun forest (5%) and private forest(45%). The greater part of the forest soil, originated from granite and gneiss, is much liable to weathering. Because the surface soil is mostly sterile, the fertilization for improving the soil quality is strongly urged. Considering the above-mentioned, the forestation methods for improving landscape of the North Han River Watersheds are suggested as follows: 1) The mature-stage forest should be induced by means of fertilizing and tendering, as the forest in this area is the young plantation with poor soil. 2) The bare land should be afforested by planting the rapid growing species, such as rigida pine, alder, and etc. 3) The bare land in the canyon with moderate moist and comparatively rich soil should be planted with Korean-pine, larch, ro fir. 4) Japaness-pine stand should be changed into Korean-pine, fir, spruce or hemlock stand from ravine to top gradually, because the Japanese-pine has poor capacity of water conservation and great liability to pine gall midge. 5) Present hard-wood forest, consisting of miscellaneous trees comparatively less valuable from the point of wood quality and scenerity, should be change into oak, maple, fraxinus-rhynchophylla, birch or juglan stand which is comparatively more valuable. 6) In the mountain foot within the sight-range, stands should be established with such species as cherry, weeping willow, white poplar, machilus, maiden-hair tree, juniper, chestnut or apricot. 7) The regeneration of some broad-leaved forests should be induced to the middle forest type, leading to the harmonious arrangement of the two storied forest and the coppice. 8) For the preservation of scenery, the reproduction of the soft-wood forest should be done under the selection method or the shelter-wood system. 9) Mixed forest should be regenerated under the middle forest system with upper needle-leaved forest and lower broad-leaved forest. In brief, the nature's mysteriousness should be conserved by combining the womanly elegance of the lakes and the manly grandeur of the forest.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.19-48
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• 1974

Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.