• Korean Journal of Oriental Medicine
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.71-83
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• 1996

Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang(鄕藥救急方) is our own, medical work written about the middle of the time of Korea Dynasty. I restored and researched this book because it needed to be illuminated about its medico-historic value and then I came to some conclusions as follows. 1. Hyang-Yack-Ku-Keup-Bang was published in Dae-jang-do-kam(大藏都監) of Kanghaw island(江華島) about the middle of Korea Dynasty. Choi Ja-ha(崔自河) republished it on original publication ground in Euiheung(義興) of Kyungsang-Province(慶尙道) in July, Taejong's(太宗) 17th year of Chosen Dynasty (A.D.1417) and this book was published again in Chungcheng Province(忠淸道) in Sejong's(世宗) 9th year(A.D.1427). The book published in Taejong's days was in the possession of books department of Kung-nae-cheng(宮內廳) in Japan and was the oldest medical book of existing ones. 2. Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu(方中鄕藥目草部) of this book was originally intended to be adjusted in each division with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock(方中鄕藥目). But Herb part(草部) only followed editing progress of Jeung-Lew-Bon-Cho(證類本草), the rest is not divided into each part and is together arranged at the below of Herb part with the title of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. The Korean inscriptions on some drugstuffs in this book are different between Native Name(鄕名) of three volumes of provisions and general-spoken(俗云) of Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu. In this, it is estimated that the publishing time and editor of tile volume of provisions and Bang-Jung-Hyang-Yack-Mock-Cho-Bu are different. I think Choi Ja-ha compiled this behind three volumes of provisions when he published. 3. This book picked some prescriptions which consisted of obtainable drugs with ease in Korea in the books of Chell-Keum-Yo-Bang(千金要方), Oi-Dae-Bi-Yo(外臺秘要), Tae-Peong-Sung-Hye-Bang(太平聖惠方), Ju-Hu-Bang(?後方), Kyung-Hum-Yang- Bang(經驗良方) Bo-Je-Bon-Sa-Bang(普濟本事方) Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang(備預百要方) and so on and got together our own prescriptions. On the whole Bi-Ye-Baik-Yo-Bang was a chief referrence book, On this, other books referred to and corrected. 4. In provisions quoted from Hyang-Yack-Jip-Sung-Bang(鄕藥集成方), there are seven provisions; leg-paralysis part, coughing part, headache part, obstetrics part, etc. don't show in this book. This is why Choi Ja-ha published only certain texts on Dae-jang-do-kam edition his own posession. So we can think the existing edition has a little misses compared with original edition. 5. This book recorded only names of drugstuffs in animal drug department like fowls, crab, goldbug, earthworm, etc. and didn't tell us ways of taking those. This is effect of Buddhist culture on medicine. This is efforts to practice 'Don't murder';one of Five Prohibition of Buddhism. 6. Beacause this book was published at the time, when our originative medicine would be set forth. This followed the Chinese ways in Theory, Treatment, Prescription and used 'Hyang Yack' in Medication out of theory of Korean medicine, which was a transitional form. So this is all important material which tell us aspects of development of 'Hyang Yack' the middle of Korea Dynasty.and this is also the beginning of originative, medical works like Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam(東醫寶鑑), Dong-Eui-Su-Bo-Won(東醫壽世保元). 7. There are few contents based on 'Byen-Jeung-Lon-Chi(辨證論治)'in this book. So we can see this book is not for doctors who study medical thoughts but for general public who suffer from diseases resulted from war. Because this book was written for a first-aid treatmeant, this is an index of medical service for the people those days. And this is also an useful datum for first-aid medicine or military medicine in these modern days. 8. Nowadays, parts of learned world of Korean medicine disregard essential theories and want to explain Korean medicine only by the theories or the methods of Western medicine. Moreover they don't adopt Chinese and Japanese theorys & thoughts about Oriental medicine in our own style and just view in there level. What was worse, there is a growing tendency for them to indulge in a trimming policy of scholarship and to take others' ideas. I think these trends to ignore our own medical thoughts involving growth of 'Hyang Yack' in the middle of Korea Dynasty, Dong-Eui-Bo-Kam and Dong-Eui-Su-Se-Bo-Won. So we, as researchers of Korean medicine, must get out of this tendency, and take over brilliant tradition and try to develop originative Korean medicine.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.38
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• pp.15-36
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• 1988

In this paper, I consider the development of methods in contemporary human geography in terms of a dialectical relation of action and structure, and try to draw a new horizon of method toward which geographical research and spatial theory would develop. The positivist geography which was dominent during 1960s has been faced both with serious internal reflections and strong external criticisms in the 1970s. The internal reflections that pointed out its ignorance of spatial behavior of decision-makers and its simplication of complex spatial relations have developed behavioural geography and systems-theoretical approach. Yet this kinds of alternatives have still standed on the positivist, geography, even though they have seemed to be more real and complicate than the previous one, The external criticisms that have argued against the positivist method as phenomenalism and instrumentalism suggest some alternatives: humanistic geography which emphasizes intention and action of human subject and meaning-understanding, and structuralist geography which stresses on social structure as a totality which would produce spatial phenomena, and a theoretical formulation. Human geography today can be characterized by a strain and conflict between these methods, and hence rezuires a synthetic integration between them. Philosophy and social theory in general are in the same in which theories of action and structural analysis have been complementary or conflict with each other. Human geography has fallen into a further problematic with the introduction of a method based on so-called political ecnomy. This method has been suggested not merely as analternative to the positivist geography, but also as a theoretical foundation for critical analysis of space. The political economy of space with has analyzed the capitalist space and tried to theorize its transformation may be seen either as following humanistic(or Hegelian) Marxism, such as represented in Lefebvre's work, or as following structuralist Marxism, such as developed in Castelles's or Harvey's work. The spatial theory following humanistic Marxism has argued for a dialectic relation between 'the spatial' and 'the social', and given more attention to practicing human agents than to explaining social structures. on the contray, that based on structuralist Marxism has argued for social structures producing spatial phenomena, and focused on theorising the totality of structures, Even though these two perspectives tend more recently to be convergent in a way that structuralist-Marxist. geographers relate the domain of economic and political structures with that of action in their studies of urban culture and experience under capitalism, the political ecnomy of space needs an integrated method with which one can overcome difficulties of orthhodox Marxism. Some novel works in philosophy and social theory have been developed since the end of 1970s which have oriented towards an integrated method relating a series of concepts of action and structure, and reconstructing historical materialism. They include Giddens's theory of structuration, foucault's geneological analysis of power-knowledge, and Habermas's theory of communicative action. Ther are, of course, some fundamental differences between these works. Giddens develops a theory which relates explicitly the domain of action and that of structure in terms of what he calls the 'duality of structure', and wants to bring time-space relations into the core of social theory. Foucault writes a history in which strategically intentional but nonsubjective power relations have emerged and operated by virtue of multiple forms of constrainst wihthin specific spaces, while refusing to elaborate any theory which would underlie a political rationalization. Habermas analyzes how the Western rationalization of ecnomic and political systems has colonized the lifeworld in which we communicate each other, and wants to formulate a new normative foundation for critical theory of society which highlights communicatie reason (without any consideration of spatial concepts). On the basis of the above consideration, this paper draws a new norizon of method in human geography and spatial theory, some essential ideas of which can be summarized as follows: (1) the concept of space especially in terms of its relation to sociery. Space is not an ontological entity whch is independent of society and has its own laws of constitution and transformation, but it can be produced and reproduced only by virtue of its relation to society. Yet space is not merlely a material product of society, but also a place and medium in and through which socety can be maintained or transformed.(2) the constitution of space in terms of the relation between action and structure. Spatial actors who are always knowledgeable under conditions of socio-spatial structure produce and reproduce their context of action, that is, structure; and spatial structures as results of human action enable as well as constrain it. Spatial actions can be distinguished between instrumental-strategicaction oriented to success and communicative action oriented to understanding, which (re)produce respectively two different spheres of spatial structure in different ways: the material structure of economic and political systems-space in an unknowledged and unitended way, and the symbolic structure of social and cultural life-space in an acknowledged and intended way. (3) the capitalist space in terms of its rationalization. The ideal development of space would balance the rationalizations of system space and life-space in a way that system space providers material conditions for the maintainance of the life-space, and the life-space for its further development. But the development of capitalist space in reality is paradoxical and hence crisis-ridden. The economic and poltical system-space, propelled with the steering media like money, and power, has outstriped the significance of communicative action, and colonized the life-space. That is, we no longer live in a space mediated communicative action, but one created for and by money and power. But no matter how seriously our everyday life-space has been monetalrized and bureaucratised, here lies nevertheless the practical potential which would rehabilitate the meaning of space, the meaning of our life on the Earth.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.60-71
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• 2010

The purpose of this paper is to provide a unified examination of apparently quite different gardens in terms of Carl Jung's psychological concepts such as Archetypes, Individualization, and a natural tendency towards balance or wholeness. In Jung's psychological framework, Archetypes are innate, universal prototypes for ideas and function as the first original models upon which all other similar persons, objects or concepts are derived, copied or patterned. Jung proposes that Individualization be achieved through a natural tendency towards balance, especially the balance between the conscious and the unconscious. This paper deals with three gardens, each of which represents a distinct cultural region: Bu-Yong Ji(芙蓉池) at the Changdeok Palace(Oriental), the Patio of the Lions at the Alhambra(Islamic), and the Fountain of Apollo at the Versailles Palace(Western). It is argued that all of three have in common a natural tendency towards balance and symbolize mandala, the archetype of wholeness. Bu-Yong Ji is in the form of quadrangle which embodies Yin and Yang. In the Patio of the Lions, the basin at the center and the four channels, which symbolize the waterway of the Garden of Eden and the four rivers in Paradise respectively, are constructed in the form of a quadripartite composition. The overlapped circle and rectangular shaped pond of the Fountain of Apollo also represents mandala. Symbols representing the same archetype can vary from culture to culture. This explains the differences among the three gardens with respect to specific aspects of external forms. In other words, an archetypal image can give rise to various forms in different cultures, and thus quite different mediums of design or design details may be developed. In conclusion, the three gardens give us a good example as to how an archetypal image can be expressed in different ways from culture to culture and how seemingly different design details can be analyzed in a unified way.

• Journal of Broadcast Engineering
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• v.24 no.5
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• pp.836-848
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• 2019

This paper aims at providing a critical view over the cybernetics theory especially of first generation on which the artificial intelligence heavily depends nowadays. There has been a commonly accepted thought that the conception of artificial intelligence could not has been possible without being influenced by N. Wiener's cybernetic feedback based information system. Despite the founder of contemporary cybernetics' ethical concerns in order to avoid an increasing entropy phenomena(social violence, economic misery, wars) produced through a negative dynamics of the western modernity regarded as the most advanced form of humanism. In this civilizationally changing atmosphere, the newly born cybernetic technology was thus firmly believed as an antidote to these vices deeply rooted in humanism itself. But cybernetics has been turned out to be a self-organizing, self-controlling mechanical system that entails the possibility of telegraphing human brain (which are transformed into patterns) through the uploading of human brain neurons digitalized by the artificial intelligence embedded into computing technology. On this background emerges posthuman (or posthumanism) movement of which concepts have been theorized mainly by its ardent apostles like N. K. Hayles, Neil Bedington, Laurent Alexandre, Donna J. Haraway. The converging of NBIC Technologies leading to the opening of a much more digitalizing society has served as a catalyst to promote the posthuman representations and different narratives especially in the contemporary visual arts as well as in the study of humanities including philosophy and fictional literature. Once Bruno Latour wrote "Modernity is often defined in terms of humanism, either as a way of saluting the birth of 'man' or as a way of announcing his death. But this habit is itself modern, because it remains asymmetrical. It overlooks the simultaneous birth of 'nonhumaniy' - things, or objects, or beasts, - and the equally strange beginning of a crossed-out God, relegated to the sidelines."4) These highly suggestive ideas enable us to better understand what kind of human beings would emerge following the dazzlingly accelerating advancement of artificial intelligence technology. We wonder whether or not this newly born humankind would become essentially Homo Artificialis as a neuronal man stripping off his biological apparatus. However due to this unprecedented situation humans should deal with enormous challenges involving ethical, metaphysical, existential implications on their life.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.131-155
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• 2017

While the lecture activities in Simwonsa, Ganjae Jeon Wu(1841~1922) has established a "law of lecture activities" which was an ritual between a teacher and pupil, between the couple. Through this way he expected to recover the former ritual, even within their own school. In 1884 he built a "law of Sidong school", meaning to build a large object, elementary scholarship will serve as the rules of conduct, and argued that human nature mainly served to the core in the course of study. Ganjae in Mungyeong area was also discussing studies with Song Byeong-hwa(1852~1916) and received correspondence with scholars in areas related to Mungyeong. They were Kim Jae-kyung(1841~1926) and Park Se-hwa (1834~1910). Ganjae had also some big national events on the sojourn time in Mungyeong. In 1882 there were army incident, in 1884 there were a command of the government that people must pull on western clothes. Ganjae did not follow the command of the government. Someone asked "Can we not follow the command of the government?" Ganjae replied "We have a right to resist to the illegal command of the government. There were also 1884's Gapsin-coup, Ganjae saw that we must defend the country by rejecting foreign power and keeping our rituals. Given the above, the timing that Ganjae lectured in Mungyeong personally was a time that provided a clue to establish his core ideas. Nationally it was a time that must defend the country from foreign nations. Ganjae had faith that for keeping the country we must keep firmly our own rituals.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.50 no.1
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• pp.33-52
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• 2022

The History and Culture Park and the Lee Kun-hee Donation Hall will be built in Songhyeon-dong, Seoul. Political games from the Joseon Dynasty to the present greatly influenced the historicity of Songhyeon-dong. However, place analysis was limited to changes in landowners and land uses rather than a historical context. Therefore, this study analyzed the context in which the placeness of Songhyeon-dong changed according to the emergence of cultural hegemony using the perspective of modern cultural geography and comparative history. As a result of the analysis, cultural hegemony in historical transitions, such as Sinocentrism, maritime expansion, civil revolutions, imperialism, nationalism, popular art, and neoliberalism, was found to have created new intellectuals in Bukchon, including Songhyeon-dong, and influenced social systems and spatial policies. In this social relations, the placeness of Songhyeon-dong changed as follows. First, the founding forces of Joseon created pine forests as Bibo Forests to invocate the permanence of the dynasty. In the late Joseon dynasty, it was an era of maritime expansion, and as Joseon's yeonhaeng increased, a garden for the Gyeonghwasejok, who enjoyed the culture of the Qing dynasty, was built. Although pine forests and gardens disappeared due to the development of housing complexes as the population soared during the Japanese colonial era, Cha Gyeong's landscape aesthetics, which harmonized artificial gardens and external nature, are worth reinterpreting in modern times. Second, the wave of modernization created a new school in Bukchon and a boarding house in Songhyeon-dong owned by a pro-Japanese faction. Angukdongcheon-gil, next to Songhyeon-dong, was where thinkers who promoted civil revolution and national self-determination exchanged ideas. Songhyeon-dong, the largest boarding house, served as a residence for students to participate in the March 1st Movement and was the cradle of the resulting culture of student movements. The appearance of the old road is preserved, so it is a significant part of the regeneration of walking in the historic city center, connecting Gwanghwamun-Bukchon-Insadong -Donhwamunro. Third, from the cultural rule of the Government General of Joseon to the Military Government, Songhyeon-dong acted as a passage to western culture with the Joseon Siksan Bank's cultural housing and staff accommodations at the U.S. Embassy. Ancient and contemporary art coexisted in the surrounding area, so the modern and contemporary art market was formed. The Lee Kun-hee Donation Hall is expected to form a cultural belt for citizens with the gallery, Bukchon Hanok Village, the Craft Museum, and the Modern Museum of Art. Discourses and challenges are needed to recreate the place in harmony with the forests, gardens, the street of citizens' birth, history and culture park, the art museum, and the surrounding walking network.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.191-221
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• 2019

This study aims to analyze the post-humanistic imagination that has emerged as a major academic thesis in Korean literature, especially novels. In particular, this paper focuses on Cho Ha-hyung's two novels Chimera's Morning(2004) and A Prefabricated Bodhi Tree(2008), published in the early 2000s, for intensive analysis. Post-humanism can be seen as an extension of post-modernism that tried to overcome the limitations of modernity and seek to establish a new world view. In particular, this thought pays attention to the comprehensive understanding of how the rapid development of science and technology, which has developed since the 20th century, has changed the view of humanity and human-centered civilization itself. At the concrete level, it is developing in the direction of constructing a new subject idea by reflecting and dismantling Western-, reason-, and male-centered power mechanisms that are the core of modern civilization. Cho attempts to discover and re-illuminate the surrounding figures, non-humans, and objects that were not noticed in the classic works written in the past. This ideological flow reflects the fact that the concept of human beings, which had been dominated by the humanities in recent years, has been completely changed, and the natural science and technology perspective is applied to the discourse field in various ways. From the point of view of post-humanism, objects that have not been classified as humans and objects that were considered inferior to humans should be included in human or comparable levels. These questions generate interdisciplinary research tasks by involving the large categories of philosophy, such as ontology, epistemology and empirical fields, as well as calling for the participation of the entire literature, science and social sciences. Against the backdrop of a disaster-hit world, Chimera's Morning and A Prefabricated Bodhi Tree depict human beings as variants transformed by bio-technology, and creatures made out of the artificial intelligence built by computer simulations. Post-humanistic ideas in Cho's novels provide a reflective opportunity to comprehensively reconsider the world's shape and human identity reproduced in the text, and to re-explore boundary lines and hierarchy order that distinguish between human and non-human.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.80
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• pp.43-88
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• 2024

The National Archives and Records Administration (NARA) is a relatively quiet latecomer to the traditional archives of the Western world. Although the United States lacks a long history of organized public records·archives management, it has developed a modern system optimized for the American historical context. This system focuses on the systematic management and preservation of the vast amount of modern records produced and collected during the tumultuous 20th century. As a result, NARA has established a modern archival system that is optimized for the American historical context. The U.S. public records·archives management system is based on the principle that records·archives are the property of the American people and belong to the public. This concept originated during the British colonial era when records were used to safeguard the rights of the colonies as self-governing citizens. For Americans, records and archives have long been a symbol of the nation's identity, serving as a means of protecting individual freedoms, rights, and democracy throughout the country's history. It is natural, therefore, that American life and history should be documented, and that the recorded past should be managed and preserved for the nation's present and future. The public records·archives management system in the United States is the result of a convergence of theories, practices, lessons learned, and ideas that have been shaped by the country's history, philosophies, and values about records, and its unique experience with records management. This paper traces the origins of records and archives in the United States in a historical context to understand the organic relationship between American life and records. It examines the process of forming a modern public records management system that is both uniquely American and universal to the American context without falling into the two forms of traditions that reflect the uniqueness of American history.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.39
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• pp.33-67
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• 2021

This paper aims at revealing the core concept of Injon (Human Nobility). The concept of Injon is one of the salient fundamental ideas which makes Daesoon Jinrihoe recognizable as Daesoon Jinrihoe. The concept of Injon has the basic meaning of 'human nobility,' but within the context wherein the nobility of humankind is considered to be greater than the nobility of Heaven and Earth. Although the religious and ideological interpretations of Injon (human nobility) that have developed over time have been quite diverse and abundant, these interpretations are all limited in that they generally assume the relationship between 'Heaven and Earth' and 'Humanity' to be antagonistic. However, if human nobility is relativized in that manner, it can reduce the potential broader meanings of mutual beneficence and the earthly paradise of the later world. These interpretations are grounded in the view of semiotic interpretation. Such interpretations have composed their view point via the semiotic meaning of the words. The semiotic point of view suggests that meanings of words consist in the relation of the word and the object to which it denotes. We will introduce a new view point which can be termed the transcendental view point. This view focuses on how the exact interpretation of words and sentences depends on the comprehension of the triad of systematic relations among the word, object, and speaker. In the Daesoon Thought, the Former World is considered to be the world wherein all creations unfolded according to the principle of mutual contention. This led to the accumulation of grievances and grudges which condensed and filled the Three Realms of Heaven, Earth, and Humanity. The Former World was dominated by Western material civilization, selfishness, and exclusivism. It was also a world where humans suffered from various natural disasters such as floods, droughts, plagues, and wildfires. The Former World lost the constant Dao and was overwhelmed with all kinds of disasters and calamities. That world fell into various kinds of wretchedness. The causes which made the Former World so cruel came from humans misunderstanding their relation to nature and life in general; including human life. The anthropocentric modern cosmology insisted that the human race was the only one to have the powers and rights to exercise dominion over nature. On the other hand, there is the Later World, which means the ideal and perfect, immanent eternal world for all humankind in Daesoon Thought. This world consists of life, peace, and equality and is also characterized by three typical attributes: goodness, peace, and all kinds of life. All living beings previously struggled for survival, but in the Later World, those lifeforms will embrace each other; even across different realms. In Daesoon Thought, the world and cosmos contain diverse forms of life, and human have both an earthly life and life in the after world should they die before the Later World. There are also the lives of divine beings and animals, and other such living entities. Daesoon Thought subsumes pan-vitalism, which allows they acknowledgement of myriad possible lifeforms. The concept of the Later World in Daesoon Thought, which mainly revealed in The Canonical Scripture and the words of Sangje (Kang Jeungsan), suggests that all kinds of life, including humans, animals, and even spirits in the afterworld, can live together in a perfect coming earthly paradise which is immanent. The concept of Injon can be interpreted though the view of transcendental pragmatics as an alternative to the typical views discussed in Daesoon Thought. Thinkers should attempt to improve current discourse on Injon in Daesoon Thought by focusing on the point that all kinds the original teachings demonstrate a value of all lifeforms. Therein, Injon would indicate not only the human nobility and dignity but also the nobility and dignity of divine beings, divine humans, and all other forms of life that have existed across time. The dimension of time allows for recognition of lifeforms from the Former World, the afterworld, and the Later World. This revised appraisal of Injon could further accommodate denizens of the afterworld, animals, ghosts and spirits, the earth and cloud souls of humans, and other lifeforms held to exist in the cosmology of Daesoon Thought.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.