• Title/Summary/Keyword: Weak parts

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Network Planning on the Open Spaces in Geumho-dong, Seoul (서울 금호동 오픈스페이스 네트워크 계획)

  • Kang, Yon-Ju;Pae, Jeong-Hann
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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    • v.40 no.5
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    • pp.51-62
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    • 2012
  • Geumho-dong, Seoul, a redeveloped residential area, is located in the foothills of Mt. Eungbong. The geographical undulation, the composition of a large apartment complex, and the partial implementation of the redevelopment project have caused the severe physical and social disconnections in this area. In order to recover functioning in the disconnected community, this study pays attention to the regeneration of the open spaces as an everyday place and in the form a network system among those open spaces. Various types of the open spaces are classified into points or faces, 'bases' and linear 'paths' analyze the network status. More than half of the open space have connecting-distance of 500m or more. Furthermore, many areas are not even included in the service-area of the open spaces. Analysis of the connectivity and integration value using the axial map has carried out to check weak linkages and to choose the sections where additional bases are required. In addition, to improve the quality of the bases and the paths, a field investigation is conducted and problems are diagnosed. The network planning of the open spaces in Geumho-dong is established, ensuring the quality and quantity of bases and paths. The plan includes the construction of an additional major base in the central area and six secondary bases in other parts, and comes up with ways to improve the environment of underdeveloped secondary bases. In the neighborhood parks at Mt. Daehyun areas, the major path are added, and the environment of the paths is improved in certain areas. Because of the network planning, the connecting-distances between bases are reduced significantly, the connectivity and integration value of the area are increased, and the service areas of the open spaces cover the whole area properly. Although this study has some limitations such as the needs for the legal and institutional supports and difficulties of a quantitative indexing process, its significance lies in the suggestion of a more reasonable and practical plan for the overall network system by defining complex types of open spaces simply and clearly and by examining the organic relationships quantitatively and qualitatively.

Cloning and Transcription Analysis of Sporulation Gene (spo5) in Schizosaccharomyces pombe (Schizosaccharomyces bombe 포자형성 유전자(spo5)의 Cloning 및 전사조절)

  • 김동주
    • The Korean Journal of Food And Nutrition
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    • v.15 no.2
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    • pp.112-118
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    • 2002
  • Sporulation in the fission yeast Schizosaccharomyces pombe has been regarded as an important model of cellular development and differentiation. S. pombe cells proliferate by mitosis and binary fission on growth medium. Deprivation of nutrients especially nitrogen sources, causes the cessation of mitosis and initiates sexual reproduction by matting between two sexually compatible cell types. Meiosis is then followed in a diploid cell in the absence of nitrogen source. DNA fragment complemented with the mutations of sporulation gene was isolated from the S. pombe gene library constructed in the vector, pDB 248' and designated as pDB(spo5)1. We futher analyzed six recombinant plasmids, pDB(spo5)2, pDB(spo5)3, pDB(spo5)4, pDB(spo5)5, pDB (spo5)6, pDB(spo5)7 and found each of these plasmids is able to rescue the spo5-2, spo5-3, spo5-4, spo5-5, spo5-6, spo5-7 mutations, respectively. Mapping of the integrated plasmid into the homologous site of the S. pombe chromosomes demonstrated that pDB(spo5)1, and pDB(spu5)Rl contained the spo5 gene. Transcripts of spo5 gene were analyzed by Northern hybridization. Two transcripts of 3.2 kb and 2.5kb were detected with 5kb Hind Ⅲ fragment containing a part of the spo5 gene as a probe. The small mRNA(2.5kb) appeared only when a wild-type strain was cultured in the absence of nitrogen source in which condition the large mRNA (3.2kb) was produced constitutively. Appearance of a 2.5kb spo5-mRNA depends upon the function of the meil, mei2 and mei3 genes.

Molecular Epidemiological Characteristics of Vibrio Parahaemolyticus as Recently wilde-spreaded in Korea (최근 한국에서 유행하는 장염비브리오균의 분자 역학적 특성)

  • 김상숙;이희무;이중복
    • KSBB Journal
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    • v.18 no.6
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    • pp.522-528
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    • 2003
  • The purpose of this study is to inquire into molecular epidemiological characteristics of Vibrio parahaemolyticus. For this study, 120 strains(120 strains of Vibrio parahaemolyticus sampled from diarrhea patients) were examined and analyzed for biochemical characteristics, TDH (thermostable direct hemolysin) antibiotics sensitivity and detection of toxR, gyrE, tdh, and tds gents. G-S PCR (Group Specific Polymerase), PFGE (Pulsed-field Gel Electrophoriesis) methods were performed on the materials from patients were results. 1 Vibrio parahaemolyticus didn't grow in 0% density of NaCl, but the fact was found that those grew in 8% density of NaCl. 2. O:K serotypes of Vibrio parahaemolyticus was turned up in domestic patients was 17 types. Among those O3:K6 was the most, it was 68.3%. 3. In 18 kinds of antibiotic tests resistant against Ampicillin, Ticacillin was comparatively high. the case of resistant against Ampicillin, Ticacillin, Vancomycin at the multiple resistant was 52.5%. 4. Toxin gene tdh had only 109 strains among 120 ones isolated from patients held the genes of 199bp size, and 11 strains was negativity 5. In the test of Kanagawa toxic productivity, 107 strains among strains isolated from patients appeared to be positivity reaction 6. The strain that held trh toxin was only 3, and those among test strains had the genes of 250bp size and that had tdh, trh genes at a time were 3 strains, and TDH toxic productivity of those were 16 times, and it was weak. 7. Group Specific-PCR appeared to be useful in the confirmation of O3:K6 serotype interrelations. 8. Three strains which showed difference of 7 DNA sequence even in the same serotype were detected by the result of analyzing the regular gene, toxRS DNA sequence. These strains are differ from general strains which carry infection easily. 9. These mutual dose epidemiological relations were classified into smaller-parts through PFGE method. As a result of such classify, 3 findings were found. V. parahaemolyticus sampled from diarrhea patients were classified into 3 types. And third, the result obtained through PFGE method can be used as a useful tool in a point of molecular-epidemiological view.

Studies on the Evaluation of the Spent Composts of Selenium-Enriched Mushrooms as a Feed Selenium Source (셀레늄강화 버섯폐배지에 대한 사료 셀레늄공급원으로의 평가 연구)

  • Kim, W.Y.;Min, J.K.
    • Journal of Practical Agriculture & Fisheries Research
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    • v.7 no.1
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    • pp.118-130
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    • 2005
  • This study was conducted to evaluate the spent composts of selenium-enriched mushrooms as a feed selenium Source. Total selenium (Se) contents and Se profiles in the spent mushroom composts (SMC) were determined. In addtion, we also investigated the metabolism in relation to Se accumulation in the mushroom. Mushrooms used in this study were Flammulina velutipes and Se enriched mushrooms were grown for 60 days by adding 2 mg of inorganic Se (Na2SeO3) per kg of mushroom composts (MC) on as-fed basis and it was compared with mushrooms not to add Se to the MC. Total Se contents for Se-treated mushrooms were significantly increased (P<0.0001) by 20-fold (4.51 ㎍/g of dry) compared to Se-untreated (0.23 ㎍/g of dry). On the contrary, organic Se proportion was significantly lower (P<0.0001) in the Se-treated mushroom (72.3%) than Se-untreated (100%, not analytically detected of inorganic Se). Se distribution upon a length in the Se-treated mushrooms was the highest in the bottom part (6.86 ㎍/g of dry) near to MC, and top and middle parts were significantly lower (3.71 and 3.01 ㎍/g of dry, respectively) than the bottom (P<0.001). In the SMC from Se-treated mushrooms, a high concentration of Se (5.04 ㎍/g of dry) was still remained, but that from Se-untreated mushrooms was significantly low (P<0.0001) as 0.08 ㎍/g of dry. Se-treated SMC showed a high rate of organic Se (65.67%), suggesting that most of inorganic Se in the SMC was converted to organic Se by mushroom mycelia, and Se-untreated SMC showed 100% of organic Se, not being detected of inorganic Se. Prior to mycelia inoculation in the mushroom culture, the sterilization of MC brought approximately 18% of Se loss in the MC. This result is in accordance with facts generally known that Se is weak in the high temperature and it is consequently volatilized under that condition. Apparent and net accumulation rates (%) for Se into mushrooms were 14.81 and 10.14%, respectively and their difference (4.67%) is considered that it is due to the volatilization into the air via metabolic process of mushroom itself. From the result of this study, inorganic Se addition to MC for mushroom improved the Se content in the mushroom and SMC from Se-enriched mushrooms contained a high concentration of Se. Mycelium and fruiting body from mushrooms converted inorganic Se in MC to organic Se, indicating a high proportion of organic Se in the mushroom and SMC. Therefore, Se in Se-enriched mushroom and SMC was recognized as Se sources of food for human as well as feed for livestock.

Evaluation of Physical Properties and Material Characterization for Structural Frame at the Stained Glass Windows to Gongju Jeil Church of the Registered Cultural Heritage in Korea (국가등록문화재 공주제일교회 스테인드글라스 구조재의 재질특성과 물성 평가)

  • Bo Young Park;Hye Ri Yang;Chan Hee Lee
    • Economic and Environmental Geology
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    • v.56 no.1
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    • pp.103-114
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    • 2023
  • The Christian Museum of Gongju Jeil Church was first built in 1931 and was largely damaged during the Korean War, but the walls and chimneys have been preserved. This building has a high architectural values in that the chapel was reconstructed in 1956, and maintains its original form through repair of damaged parts rather than new construction. The stained glass windows were as installed in 1979 and has a great significance in the Dalle de Verre method using lump glass. However, some of the stained glass damaged partially, such as various cracks and splits, and vertical and horizontal cracks in the joint fillers of supporting the colored glass. As the structural materials of the stained glass window, an iron frame and cement mortar filled with it were used, and corrosion of iron, cracking of mortar and granular decomposition appear partially due to weathering. In the joint fillers, the content of Ca and S is very high, indicating that gypsum were used as admixtures, and the gypsums grow in a rhombohedral and forms a bundle, which is investigated to have undergone recrystallization. As a result of modeling the ultrasonic velocity at the joint fillers, the left and right windows at the entrance show relatively weak in the range of 800 to 1,600m/s, and the lower right corner of the altar window and the upper left corner of the center window were also 1,000 to 1,800m/s, showing relatively low physical properties. And gypsums produced during the neutralization of lime mortar were detected in the joint fillers and contaminants on the surface. Such salts may cause damage to the joint material due to freezing and thawing, so appropriate preventive conservation is required. Also, since various damage types are complexly appearing in stained glass window and joint filler, customized conservation treatment should be reviewed through clinical tests.

Study on Genealogical Character of Buddhist Dances of Hang Yeon Suk and Lee Mae Bang (한영숙류와 이매방류 승무의 계통적 성향 연구)

  • Jeong, Seong Suk
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.23
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    • pp.185-212
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    • 2011
  • Buddhist dance (seungmu) is a crux and highlight of Korean traditional dance; its aesthetics and technique are extraordinary, and Korean dance's unique style is well expressed. The Buddhist dance, which has been descended, is divided into Han Yeong Suk style, which is designated as Important Intangible Asset Number 27, and Lee Mae Bang style. While the two dances are same one, area is difference and they have unique style because of genealogical difference. However, studies on Buddhist dance so far have focused on single style's dance, or comparison of regional aspects (Han Yeong Suk dance is from Gyeonggi and Lee Mae Bang dance is from Honam area). But, Lee Byeong Ok suggested traditional artist dance is differed by male dance genealogy and female dance (gibang) genealogy dance, and while folk dance has storng tie with region, but artist dance has weak regional tie. Therefore, the purpose of this thesis is to study genealogical character of Buddhist dance's dancing style, clarifying Han Yeong Suk dance is male dance genealogy and Lee Mae Bang dance is gibang dance genealogy. In other words, among three theses that compared Lee Mae Bang and Han Yeong Suk dances, one analyzing movement, one comparing dance of invocation and one comparing traditional ballad, are re-analyzed from genealogical perspective and characteristics are comparatively analzyed. The overall summary of the genealogical attitude of the Han Yeong Suk and Lee Mae Ban dances is; First, Han's dance has masculinity, upwardness, progressiveness, activeness, outgoing character, boldness and grace, which are character of male dance lineage, while Lee's dance shows feminity, downwardness, backwardness, aesthecity, inwardness, delicacy and coquette. Second, the most expressed parts of the attitude of two dances are genealogical character, and then are original and regional characters. Third, two dances have strong genealogical attitude, but also has anti-genealogical attitude since the gender of descendent was changed, in other words Lee Mae Bang was man, and Han Yeong Suk was woman. Fourth, even though the two Buddhist dances have different genealogy and region, they share similarities as traditional dance descended in the same time period, so there are many common features. In other words, the two dances are Korean nation's dance and from same time period, but they should not be mixed, either. Even though they have small differences, they must keep each genealogy and descend to the next generation.

Research on the Relation between Musculoskeletal symptoms and Diagnosis using Moire Topography among Workers at an Automobile Manufacturing Plant (자동차회사 근로자를 대상으로 한 근골격계 자각증상과 moire 영상 진단과의 관계 연구)

  • Chun Eun-Joo;Lee Young-Gil;Jahng Doo-Sub;Lee Ki-Nam;Song Yung-Sun
    • Journal of Society of Preventive Korean Medicine
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    • v.5 no.2
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    • pp.69-92
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    • 2001
  • The purposes of this study were to offer foundation making more certain standards of musculoskeletal disorder diagnosis, We researched musculoskeletal symptoms degrees, frequencies, and cares and then examined relation between musculoskeletal symptoms and diagnosis of musculoskeletal conditions using moire topography among workers at an automobile manufacturing plant. Therefore we propose the possibility of moire topography as diagnosing utilities of musculoskeletal disorders. Methods: This study was to examine the general characteristics, complaints of musculoskeletal symptoms, and work-related musculoskeletal disorder rates of cervicobrachial and lumbar area by survey among 435 workers at an automobile manufacturing plant and then to show each frequency and percentage, In the diagnosis using moire topography, we studied pain control necessity of cervicobrachial and lumbar area, 435 subjects were classified by 5 levels: A(no symptoms), B(need management), C(need treatment) and then more divided by B1(light symptoms)/B2(heavy symptoms), C1(light symptoms)/C2(heavy symptoms), And musculoskeletal areas were divided by 2 parts, cervicobrachial area(neck, shoulder, arm&elbow, and wrist&hand) and lumbar area, Then, frequency and percentage of each musculoskeletal areas(cervicobrachial and lumbar area) were appeared. At last, Pearson's chi-square test analysis was utilized to observe the relation between diagnosis using moire topography and general characteristics and the relation between diagnosis using moire topography and work-related complaint of musculoskeletal symptoms of cervicobrachial and lumbar area, Results: The subjects employed for this research were categorized into; by gender, all of them were males(l00%): by age, under 35 years 12 %, 36-40 years 56.3%, 41-45 years 26.3 %, and above 46 years 5.3% with 36-40 years accounting for most of it. By living location, owned houses represented 69.7%, rented houses 23.4%, monthly-rented 1.6%, the others 5.3%; by education, middle school and lower represented 3.0%, high school 89.4%, and junior college and higher 7.6% with high school occupying most of the group. By marital status, married represented 95.2%, unmarried 4.1%, and the others 0.7% with most of them married; by alcohol, drinking represented 81.8% and non-drinking 18.2%; by smoking status, smoking represented 53.6%, non-smoking 46.4% with no big difference between them. By working time(hours/week), below 50 represented 26.9%, 50-60 67.6%, above 60 5.5%; by working time(hours/day), below 9 represented 21.6%, 10-12 73.1%, above 13 5.3%; by job tenure(years), below 10 represented 25.1%, 11-15 54.3%, 16-20 15.2%, above 21 5.5%. By personal income per year, below 30 million won represented 11.0%, 30-40 84.8%, above 40 4.1%; by sleeping hours, below 6 hours represented 26.7%, 7-8 hours 69.9%, above 9 hours 3.4%. Complaint rates of musculoskeletal symptoms and work-related musculoskeletal disorder rates were 63.9% and 54.9% with shoulder area occupying most of both them. By pain degree of musculoskeletal symptoms, shoulder area represented $2.73{\pm}0.84$, lumbar area $2.66{\pm}0.86$, wrist and hand area $2.59{\pm}0.86$, neck area $2.55{\pm}0.74$, and arm and elbow area $2.48{\pm}0.71$. By cares about musculoskeletal symptoms, taking medication or care represented 34.4%-46.7%, absence or leave 15.4%-28.7%, and job transfer 6.3%-11.5%. So experienced cases more than one thing among cares about musculoskeletal symptoms represented 39.6%-54%. In the diagnosis using moire topography, pain control necessity of cervicobrachial area was shown below; A(no symptoms) 20.7%, B1(need management/light symptoms) 64.6%, B2(need management/heavy symptoms) 11.5%, C1(need treatment/light symptoms) 3.0%, C2(need treatment/heavy symptoms) 0.2%. By lumbar area, A(no symptoms) 8.7%, B1(need management/light symptoms) 52.2%, B2(need management/heavy symptoms) 30.3%, C1(need treatment/light symptoms) 8.7%, C2(need treatment/heavy symptoms) was none. In the relation between pain control necessity and general characteristics, age(P=0.013), education(P=0.000), and job tenure(P=0.012) with pain control necessity showed differences with significance. The relation between pain control necessity and complaint of musculoskeletal symptoms of cervicobrachial and lumbar area showed no difference with significance; in cervicobrachial area represented P=0.708, lumbar area P=0.318 Conclusions: This study for musculoskeletal symptoms on workers at automobile manufacturing plant showed that complaint rates of musculoskeletal symptoms for cervicobrachial and lumbar area were so high, 63.9%. But Pearson's chi-square test analysis was utilized to study the relation between musculoskeletal symptoms and the diagnosis using moire topography, showed no differences with significance. They have no differences with significance, but the prevalence rates of diagnosis using moire topography for cervicobrachial and lumbar area were more higher than complaint rates of musculoskeletal symptoms; complaint rates of musculoskeletal symptoms were 52.4%, 34.5% and the diagnosis using moire topography were 79.3%, 91.3% for cervicobrachial and lumbar area. The results of this study indicate that the diagnosis using moire topography can find weak musculoskeletal disorders that an individual can not feel, not be judged work-related musculoskeletal disease. Therefore, this study has an important meaning that diagnosis using moire topography can predict and control own physical condition complete musculoskeletal disorders beforehand, since oriental medicine theory considers that prevention is important.

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Summative Evaluation of 1993, 1994 Discussion Contest of Scientific Investigation (제 1, 2회 학생 과학 공동탐구 토론대회의 종합적 평가)

  • Kim, Eun-Sook;Yoon, Hye-Gyoung
    • Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
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    • v.16 no.4
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    • pp.376-388
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    • 1996
  • The first and the second "Discussion Contest of Scientific Investigation" was evaluated in this study. This contest was a part of 'Korean Youth Science Festival' held in 1993 and 1994. The evaluation was based on the data collected from the middle school students of final teams, their teachers, a large number of middle school students and college students who were audience of the final competition. Questionnaires, interviews, reports of final teams, and video tape of final competition were used to collect data. The study focussed on three research questions. The first was about the preparation and the research process of students of final teams. The second was about the format and the proceeding of the Contest. The third was whether participating the Contest was useful experience for the students and the teachers of the final teams. The first area, the preparation and the research process of students, were investigated in three aspects. One was the level of cooperation, participation, support and the role of teachers. The second was the information search and experiment, and the third was the report writing. The students of the final teams from both years, had positive opinion about the cooperation, students' active involvement, and support from family and school. Students considered their teachers to be a guide or a counsellor, showing their level of active participation. On the other hand, the interview of 1993 participants showed that there were times that teachers took strong leading role. Therefore one can conclude that students took active roles most of the time while the room for improvement still exists. To search the information they need during the period of the preparation, student visited various places such as libraries, bookstores, universities, and research institutes. Their search was not limited to reading the books, although the books were primary source of information. Students also learned how to organize the information they found and considered leaning of organizing skill useful and fun. Variety of experiments was an important part of preparation and students had positive opinion about it. Understanding related theory was considered most difficult and important, while designing and building proper equipments was considered difficult but not important. This reflects the students' school experience where the equipments were all set in advance and students were asked to confirm the theories presented in the previous class hours. About the reports recording the research process, students recognize the importance and the necessity of the report but had difficulty in writing it. Their reports showed tendency to list everything they did without clear connection to the problem to be solved. Most of the reports did not record the references and some of them confused report writing with story telling. Therefore most of them need training in writing the reports. It is also desirable to describe the process of student learning when theory or mathematics that are beyond the level of middle school curriculum were used because it is part of their investigation. The second area of evaluation was about the format and the proceeding of the Contest, the problems given to students, and the process of student discussion. The format of the Contests, which consisted of four parts, presentation, refutation, debate and review, received good evaluation from students because it made students think more and gave more difficult time but was meaningful and helped to remember longer time according to students. On the other hand, students said the time given to each part of the contest was too short. The problems given to students were short and open ended to stimulate students' imagination and to offer various possible routes to the solution. This type of problem was very unfamiliar and gave a lot of difficulty to students. Student had positive opinion about the research process they experienced but did not recognize the fact that such a process was possible because of the oneness of the task. The level of the problems was rated as too difficult by teachers and college students but as appropriate by the middle school students in audience and participating students. This suggests that it is possible for student to convert the problems to be challengeable and intellectually satisfactory appropriate for their level of understanding even when the problems were difficult for middle school students. During the process of student discussion, a few problems were observed. Some problems were related to the technics of the discussion, such as inappropriate behavior for the role he/she was taking, mismatching answers to the questions. Some problems were related to thinking. For example, students thinking was off balanced toward deductive reasoning, and reasoning based on experimental data was weak. The last area of evaluation was the effect of the Contest. It was measured through the change of the attitude toward science and science classes, and willingness to attend the next Contest. According to the result of the questionnaire, no meaningful change in attitude was observed. However, through the interview several students were observed to have significant positive change in attitude while no student with negative change was observed. Most of the students participated in Contest said they would participate again or recommend their friend to participate. Most of the teachers agreed that the Contest should continue and they would recommend their colleagues or students to participate. As described above, the "Discussion Contest of Scientific Investigation", which was developed and tried as a new science contest, had positive response from participating students and teachers, and the audience. Two among the list of results especially demonstrated that the goal of the Contest, "active and cooperative science learning experience", was reached. One is the fact that students recognized the experience of cooperation, discussion, information search, variety of experiments to be fun and valuable. The other is the fact that the students recognized the format of the contest consisting of presentation, refutation, discussion and review, required more thinking and was challenging, but was more meaningful. Despite a few problems such as, unfamiliarity with the technics of discussion, weakness in inductive and/or experiment based reasoning, and difficulty in report writing, The Contest demonstrated the possibility of new science learning environment and science contest by offering the chance to challenge open tasks by utilizing student science knowledge and ability to inquire and to discuss rationally and critically with other students.

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The theory of lesson plannig and the instructional structuration : A case study for urban units in Japanese high school (수업설계론과 수업구조화 - 일본 고등학교 도시단원을 사례로 -)

  • ;Sim, Kwang Taek
    • Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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    • v.29 no.2
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    • pp.166-182
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    • 1994
  • Kyonggi Province in the late Chosun dynasty was a center of superior government offices including 'Han' River water-road transportation and was located in the middle of an 'X'-shaped arterial road network. Because of these reasons, Kyonggi Province had a faster inflow of commodities, informations and technics compared with the other province. At this period of time, every local 'Eup' (name of administrative district) had not been affected by their above administrative districts and had their own autonomy. For this reason, every 'Eup' could be developed as a town, even if its size was small when it had sufficient internal growing conditions. Moreover, the markets ('Si-Jon') in big towns and periodical markets which were spread over the Kyonggi Province played role of commercial functions of town. And because military bases for the defence of the royal capital in Kyonggi Province also took parts of a non-agricultural city role, Xyonggi Provinc had much more possibilities of growing as a town rather than the other provinces. The towns of the late Chosun Dynasty were, except the capital and superior administrative districts which were governed by the 'You-Su', small towns which had only about 3, 000-5, 000 people. Most of the town dewellers were local officials, nobles, merchants, craftmen and slaves. And the farmers who lived near town became a pseudo-towner through suburb agriculture. Among these people, the merchants were leaders of townization. The downtowns were affected by the landform and traffic roads. The most fundamental function of towns were administrative. The opcial's grade, which was dispatched to the local administrative district ('Kun' or 'Hyun'), was decided by the size of population and agricultural land of each county. Large county which was governed by a high ranking opcial had more possibilities to develop as a large town. Because they supervised other opcials of lower rank and obtained more land and population for the town. The phonomena of farm abandonment after the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592-1598 stimulated the development of towns for commercial function. The commercial functions of towns were evident in the Si-Jon or Nan-Jon (names of markets) in the big cities such as Hansung and Kaesung, meanffwhile in the local areas it was emerged in the shape of periodical market networks as allied with near markets (which were called as Jang-Si) or permanent markets which were grown up from periodical markets. These facts of commercial development induced the birth of commercial town. Kyonggi Province showed the weak points of its defense system during both wars (Japanese Invasion in 1592 and Manchu's Invasion in 1636). The government reinforced its defense system by adding 4 'You-Su-Bus' and several military bases. Each local districts ('Eup'), where Geo-Jins were established, were stimulated to be a town while Jin-Kwan system were, adjusted and enforced. Among Dok-Jins(name of solitary military bases), Youngjongjin was grown up as a large garrison town which only played a role of defense. The number of towns that took roles of non-agricultural functions in Kyonggi Province was 52. Among these towns, 29 were developed as big towns which had above 3, 000 people and most of these towns were located on the northwest-southeast axes of 'X'-shaped arterial trafic network in the Chosn Dynasty, This fact points out that the traffic road is one of the important causes of the development of towns. When we make hierarchy of the towns of Kyonggi Province according to its population and how many functions it had, we can make it as 6 grades. The virst grade town 'Hansung' was the biggest central town of administration, commerce and defdnse. The 2nd grade town includes 'Kaesung' which had historical inertia that it had been the capital of the Koryo Dynesty. The 3rd grade towns include some 'You- Su-Bus' such as Soowon, Kanghwa, Kwangju and also include Mapo, Yongsan and from this we can imagine that the commercial development in the late Chosun Dynasty extremely affected the townization. The 4th-6th grade towns had smiliar population but it can be discriminated by how many town functions it had. So the 4th grade towns were the core of administration, commerce and defense function. 5th grade towns had administrative functions and one of commercial and defense functions. 6th grade towns had only one of these functions. When we research and town conditions of each grades as the ratio of non-agricultural population, we can find out that the towns from the 1st grade to 4th grade show difference by degree of townization but from the 4th grade to 6th grade towns do not show big difference in general.

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A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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