• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.98 no.1
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• pp.66-81
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• 2009

From a new perspective of "humans and the culture of forming and conserving the environment", the sustainable forest management can be reformulated under the concept of "cultural sustainability". Cultural sustainability is based on the emphasis of the high contribution to sustainability of the culture of forming and conserving the environment. This study extracts the implications to cultural sustainability for the modern world by investigating a historical case of the culturo-social pine forestry in the Joseon period of Korea. In the legendary and recorded acts by the first king Taejo, Seonggye Yi, Korean red pine (Pinus densiflora) was the "Royal tree" of Joseon and also the "Sajik tree" related intimately with the Great Sajik Ritual valued as the top rank within the national ritual regime that sustained the Royal Virtue Politics in Confucian political ideology. Into the Neo-Confucian faith and royal rituals of Joseon, elements of geomancy (Feng shui), folk religion, and Buddhism had been amalgamated. The deities worshipped or revered at the Sajik shrine were Earth-god (Sa) and crop-god (Jik). And it is the Earth god and the concrete entity, Sajik tree, that contains the legacy of sylvan religion descended from the ancient times and had been incorporated into the Confucian faith and ritual regime. Korean red pine as the Royal-Sajik tree played a critical role of sustaining the religio-political justification for the rule of the Joseon's Royalty. The religio-political symbolism of Korean red pine was represented in diverse ways. The same pine was used as the timber material of shrine buildings established for the national rituals under Neo-Confucian faith by the royal court of Joseon kingdom before the modern Korea. The symbolic role of pine had also been expressed in the forms of royal tomb forests, the Imposition Forest (Bongsan) for royal coffin timber (Whangjangmok), and the creation, protection, conservation and bureaucratic management of the pine forests in the Inner-four and Outer-four mountains for the capital fortress at Seoul, where the king and his family inhabit. The religio-political management system of pine forests parallels well with the kingdom's economic forest management system, called "Pine Policy", with an array of pine cultivation forests and Prohibition Forests (Geumsan) in the earlier period, and that of Imposition Forests in the later period. The royal pine culture with the economic forest management system had influenced on the public consciousness and the common people seem to have coined Malrimgat, a pure Korean word that is interchangeable with the Chinesecharacter words of prohibition-cultivation land or forest (禁養地, 禁養林) practiced in the royal tomb forests, and Prohibition and Imposition Forests, which contained prohibition landmarks (Geumpyo) made of stone and rock on the boundaries. A culturo-social forestry, in which Sajik altar, royal tomb forests, Whangjang pine Prohibition and Imposition forests and the capital Inner-four and Outer-four mountain forests consist, was being put into practice in Joseon. In Joseon dynastry, the Neo-Confucian faith and royal rituals with geomancy, folk religion, and Buddhism incorporated has also played a critical humanistic role for the culturo-social pine forestry, the one higher in values than that of the economic pine forestry. The implications have been extracted from the historical case study on the Royal-Sajik tree and culturo-social forestry of Joseon : Cultural sustainability, in which the interaction between humans and environment maintains a long-term culturo-natural equilibrium or balance for many generations, emphasizes the importance that the modern humans who form and conserve environment need to rediscover and transform their culturo-natural legacy into conservation for many generations and produce knowledge of sustainability science, the transdisciplinary knowledge for the interaction between environment and humans, which fulfills the cultural, social and spiritual needs.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.20
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• pp.5-30
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• 2010

It has been diversified and serious attempt to establish the identity of Changgeuk, but it is still independent dramaturgy or the current unformed progressive art. In this situation, exploring works of the identity of changgeuk that is base on the performed individual and specific works in the title of Changgeuk is needed. The 80s and 90s Heo, Gyu was leading an active life as a director who was responsible for directing of Changgeuk. He dramatized Siljeon Pansori -which is a group of Pansori missing text- as well as 5-remained Songs in Pansori and he presented a number of creative Changgeuk works on stage. Especially, the completion of dramatizing 5-remained Songs in Pansori under the name of 'Wanpan Changgeuk -which means full version performance without omit-' is the one of his big achievement by performing "Heungbojeon" on the stage 1982 and "Jeokbyeokga" 1985. The purposes of this research are confirmation of Heo's direction of the formulation and considering its characteristics & significance through 'Wanpan Changgeuk' which written by Heo. Heo was a practical play who was interested in the subjective formulation of national culture and creative transmission for Korean traditional performance. He tried to formulate Changgeuk to a representative performance of Korea. In the process he pointed out those problems, (1) interpretation of a work problem, (2) actor's creative problems, (3) structure problem of theater for Changgeuk. He indicated that the other challenges are to use of the stage & device, to overcome sentimentalism, to stylize acting, to improve own quality, to control the speed and length of the song, to choose the suitable musical accompaniment, to create new repertories problems, and etc. Changgeuk is classified in 3 group by origin, (1)dramatizing of 5-remained Songs, (2)dramatizing of 7-missing Songs, (3)creative dramatizing. It contains all of 3 types that Heo's work. The dramatizing of remained 5 Songs are the great importance among those works. Heo hoped that Chaggeuk has become the most representative art work of Korea by performing 'Wanpan Changgeuk' compiled heritage of Korea's outstanding artistic achievement. The characteristics of 'Wanpan Changgeuk' can be summarized following four. (1) Directing attitudes that emphasizes tradition, (2) Accepting the elements of traditional performance actively, (3) Valuing the classy and ethic, (4) Emphasizing humor and active utilizing of the secondary characters. Heo's 'Wanpan Changgeuk' shows a peak of the artistic level which Changgeuk can be reached. He want to make Changgeuk a Korean representative artistic performance by compiling Pansori heritage and accommodating Korean traditional performance. Heo continued his effort to present Pansori's authenticity and to dramatize from beginning to end without missing. It shows very well that 'Wanpan Changgeuk' takes 4~5 hours for playing. It looks Heo's achievement in the 'Wanpan Changgeuk' influenced Changgeuk significantly since then. Heo's 'Wanpan Changgeuk' is matrix of 'Wanpan JangMak Changgeuk' attempted in the 1990s. Especially, their intent is consistent to synthesize texts and to show all the virtue of Pansori. But 90's 'Wanpan JangMak Changgeuk' aim for large stage, fancy device & costume and variety contents compared with 'Wanpan Changgeuk'. Recently, producers have tried not to make a impressive Changgeuk but to make a interesting one. They usually organize performance within 2 hours and prefer orchestral music to its unique sound. In those point of view, it seems that Heo's idle in 'Wanpan Changgeuk' has become one of target to conquer in these days.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.29 no.3
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• pp.106-115
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• 2011

This study, based on (edited in 18th century), analysed the landscape system and cultural landscape elements of Yuhoidang(Hageowon 何去園) Garden in Musu-dong, Daejeon, and the findings are as in the following. YuHoidang(Gwon Yijin 權以鎭) managed Hageowon Garden in Musu-dong, located on the southern branch of Mt. Bomun, to realize his utopia. The completion of Hageowon Garden was only possible due to his installation of a variety of facilities in family gravesite on the hill behind his house: Shimyoso(Samgeunjeongsa 三近精舍, in 1707), Naboji(納汚池, in 1713), Banhwanwon(in 1714) and expended exterior space(in 1727). With regard to the landscape system of the village, the main range of mountains consists of Mt. Daedun, Mt. Odae and Mt. Bomun. The main high mountain of the three is Mt. Bomun, where 'Blue Dragon' hill branches off on the east side(Eungbong), 'White Tiger' in the west(Cheongeun and Sajeong) and Ansan(inner mountain) in the south. The landscape system is featured by 'mountains in back and rivers in front'. The river in the south-west, with its source in Mt. Juryun is called as the 'Stream of outer perfect spot', while the 'Stream of inner perfect spot' rises from Eungbong, passing through the east part of the village into the south-western direction. Banhwanwon Garden(盤桓園) was created with the stream in the east and natural bedrocks, and its landscape elements includes Naboji, Hwalsudam, Gosudae, Sumi Waterfall, Dogyeong(path of peach trees), Odeeokdae(platform with persimmon trees), Maeryong(Japanese apricot tree), springs and observatories. An expanded version of Banhwanwon was Hageowon garden, where a series of 'water-trees-stone' including streams, four ponds, five observation platforms, three bamboo forests and Chukgyeongwon(縮景園) of an artificial hill gives the origin forest a scenic atmosphere. When it comes to semantics landscape elements, there are (1) Yuhoidang to cherish the memory of a deceased parents, (2) Naboji for family unification, (3) Gosudae to keep fidelity, (4) Odeokdae to collect virtue and wisdom, (5) Sumi Waterfall to aspire to be a man of noble character, (6) Yocheondae for auspicious life, (7) Sumanheon and Gigungjae to be in pursuit of hermitic life, (8) Hwalsudam for development of family and study, (9) Mongjeong to repay favor of ancestors, (10) Seokgasan, a symbol of secluded life, (11) Hageowon to enjoy guarding graves in retired life. The spatial composition of Hageowon was realized through (1) Yuhoidang's inside gardens(Naboji, Jucheondang, Odeokdae, Dogyeong, Back yard garden and others) (2) Sumanheon(收漫軒) Byeolup or Yuhoidang's back yard gardens (Seokyeonji, Yocheondae, Sumanheon, Baegyeongdae, Amseokwon and others) (3) Chukgyeongwon of the artificial hill(which is also the east garden of Sumanheon, being composed of Hwalsudam, Sumi Waterfall and Gasan or 12 mountaintops) (4) the scenic spots for unifying Confucianism, Buddhism and Taoism are Cemetry garden in the back hill of the village, the temple of Yeogyeongam, Sansinkak(ancestral ritual place of folk religion) and Geoeopjae(family school). On top of that, Chagyeongwon Garden(借景園) commands a panoramic distant view of nature's changing beauty through the seasons.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.52
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• pp.393-424
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• 2017

This study investigates the relationship between South Korean youths' Confucian values and sense of citizen ethics while presenting outlook on the sense of citizen ethics based on the theory of human nature. The purpose of this study, by doing so, is to present educational measures. For this purpose, empirical research method was applied in this study. In the empirical study, youths were surveyed and the answers were statistically analyzed and discussed with a view to achieve the study purpose. In the empirical research part of the study, Korean youths' awareness on Confucian values was examined along with its relationship with the sense of citizen ethics. The effect of Confucian values on sense of citizen ethics and their relationship were analyzed to evaluate the receptivity of youths on Confucian ideas and usefulness of sense of citizen ethics. This study investigated a total of final 311 sets of data from male and female students at middle and high schools located in Seoul, Gyeonggi, South Korea. First, to identify the youths' Confucian values and level of sense of citizen ethics, descriptive statistical analysis was conducted. As a result, the survey subjects were found to have, concerning the Confucian values, world view M=3.54, human relations view M=3.66, morality cultivation M=3.76, and social order M=3.45, higher than 3.0 to represent positive levels. The morality cultivation, in particular, was recorded the highest among all whereas the social order was relatively lower, which represents the degree of relying on Confucian values to establish social order. Second, the sub-variables of Confucian values were verified according to the personal characteristics of the surveyed youths and differences in their entire perception was investigated. As a result, according to gender, morality cultivation was found higher in female students (M=3.85) than in male students (M=3.64). According to the subjective economic level of their household, world view was found higher in upper class (M=3.98) than middle-low class (M=3.25) and low class (M=3.22) while human relations view was found higher in middle-upper class (M=3.79) than low class (M=3.46). As for the family type, morality cultivation was found higher in extended family (M=3.83) than nuclear family (M=3.62); and social order was higher in extended family (M=3.54) than nuclear family (M=3.36). Third, to verify the study theme of identifying the effects of youths' Confucian values on sense of citizen morality, hierarchical regression analysis was employed in this study, which used the multi-level model of multiple regression analysis. As a result, the Confucian values was found to have significant positive (+) correlations with the entire sense of citizen ethics in order of human relations view(${\beta}=.499$), world view(${\beta}=.412$), social order(${\beta}=.341$), and morality cultivation(${\beta}=.241$). Confucian value showed significant positive (+) correlations with autonomy in order of morality cultivation(${\beta}=.458$), human relations view(${\beta}=.454$), social order(${\beta}=.362$), and world view(${\beta}=.158$). Confucian values was found to have significant positive (+) correlations with community spirit in order of human relations view(${\beta}=.295$), social order(${\beta}=.281$), and morality cultivation(${\beta}=.232$). As shown in the findings above, youths' Confucian values was found to have significant positive (+) effects on the sense of citizen ethics. It is noted that the higher the Confucian values, the more positive the sense of citizen ethics would be. Consequentially, the Confucian values was identified to play an important role in the sense of citizen ethics in the modern society. Based on this analysis, this study presented specific measures - the necessity and possibility of education on sense of citizen ethics under the theory of human nature. To this end, this study proposed to find an optimal interface between the contemporary sense of citizen ethics and Confucian ethics through the respect for human life and nature, man of virtue as the ideal human model, and united society as a desirable society model.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.56
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• pp.147-170
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• 2014

To divide by the concept of Cheon (天) before and after the period of Song Dynasty: before Song Dynasty; according to the ancient Book of Odes (Sigyeong-詩經), "Cheon (天) gives birth to a large number of people", and, Confucius(孔子) say "Cheon(天) gave me Virtue(德)." Mencius(孟子) say "The person done with all his heart knows Seong(性, personality), so if he knows such Seong(性, personality), then he knows Cheon(天)." In Doctrine of the Mean(中庸), it says "Cheon(天) ordered it to be called - Seong(性, personality)." So, Cheon(天) had a religious meaning, such as Sangje(上帝) - Supreme Ruler. During the Song period, Cheon(天), the source of its existence, had construed as Mugeuk i Taegeuk Non(無極而太極論 - Theory of Supreme Ultimate while being Indeterminate) and Theory of li and ki (iginon-理氣論). Juja (朱子, a honorary name of Juhui, 朱熹) had said a reasonable Cheon(天), that is, Heavenly Principle (天理 - Cheolli) by interpreting Cheon(天) as Taegeuk(太極 - Supreme Polarity) and li(理) of Muwi(無爲 - uncontrived action). That's why Juja had lost the religiosity because of his reasonable frame. The purpose of this dissertation is to identify of the quality of being religious of li(理) on the basis of attribute of Cheon(天) argued by Toegye and Juja. In the text of Seomyeong(西銘 - Western Inscription), we can see their interpretation of the content that Toegye as "西銘考證講義"(Lecture on Historical Research of Western Inscription), and Juja as "西銘解"(Commentary on the Western Inscription). Seomyeong(西銘 - Western Inscription) was expounded as a logic of 'iil bunsu' (理一分殊 - coherence is one and distinguished into many). '理一分殊' means to live in as meaningful as possible according to the human nature that has been bestowed upon thyself. Juja and Toegye both said that in the aspect of 'iil'(理一 - coherence is one), Reverence(事天) ought to be done, but to look into the aspect of 'bunsu'(分殊-distinguished into many), Juja argued that people should follow the order of Heavenly Principle(天理 - Cheolli), and Toegye argued that people should have to perform the filial piety(孝). There are differences in methods of Toegye and Juja on account of distinction between attributes of Cheon(天). Such a distinction affects the attribute of li(理). Juja said divisively that Soiyeon(所以然-why its principle is so) is li(理), and Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is Sa(事-divine project). Toegye argued that Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is indeed li(理). It is the position of Toegye that to know Seong(性-the personality) of Sodangyeon(所當然-what should be so) is the first, rather than to know Cheon(天) of Soiyeon(所以然-why its principle is so) that is out of reach in a faraway place. Seong(性-the personality) is li(理) that bestowed by Cheon(天). In view of discussion about the essence and existence, for Toegye, the existence is the first, rather than the essence. The issues of existence is now enabled to talk about amid the discussion of metaphysics, namely li(理). Different from Juja, a theory noticed in Toegye is the theory of 'Lijado'(理自到). 'Lijado'(理自到) denotes 'Li(理) leads on their own.' It tells that separate from thing-in-itself, there is an energy that moves and oversees the thing. This is an issue of response between "I" as the principal agent and other people. If "I" as the principal agent is sincere to others, the others will come to me insomuch as they will be revealed through me. Here, a problem between the host and guest arises. Toegye perceived this problem that do not see me and others as same, and also do not see me and others as two. This is the logic of 'ilii iiil'(一而二 二而一 - looks like one but two, looks like two but one) of '理一分殊' (coherence is one and distinguished into many). The first thing to do between these two processes is to recognize the existence of 'iil'(理一). Toegye strongly displays a religious attitude identifying Cheon(天)=Li (理)=Sangje(上帝- Supreme Ruler) in the same light.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.29
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• pp.71-100
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• 2017

This study focuses on examining 'the Supreme God and Celestial Worthy of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin', which Daesoon Jinrihoe believes in as the highest divinity. The name of this divinity was first found in Chinese Daoist scriptures. This study starts by considering the global propagation of virtue and then research connected to this topic. There are two alternative names for this divinity in relation to his human avatar, Kang Jeungsan, the subject of faith in Daesoon Jinrihoe. One is 'the Lord God of Great Creation in the Ninth Heaven' meaning the divinity before assuming a human avatar, and the other is 'the Celestial Worthy of Universal Transformation' the same divinity after he discarded his human avatar and returned to his celestial post. To understand how the belief system of Daesoon Jinrihoe differs from that of Daoism, it is necessary to study the divinity's change from being 'the Lord God of Great Creation in the Ninth Heaven' to becoming 'the Celestial Worthy of Universal Transformation'. If this distinction is not made clear, it brings about confusing arguments concerning the term 'Supreme God (Sangje)' as used in Daoism and Daesoon Jinrihoe. In order to offer a specific explanation, this study suggests three possible directions. The first hypothesis is that although these two names, 'the Celestial Worthy of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin' from Daoism and 'the Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin' from Daesoon Jinrihoe, are similar, they actually have nothing to do with one another. The second hypothesis is that they are in fact the same divinity. Lastly, the third hypothesis is that they are closely connected, however, the former (the Celestial Worthy of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin) is a position needed to fulfill the mission of Jeungsan, whereas the latter (the Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven Who Spreads the Sound of the Thunder Corresponding to Primordial Origin) is a name received after the human avatar passes and the deity returns to the Noebu, 'the department of lightning'. These hypotheses face certain problems such as arbitrary mixing, the need for the theoretical clarity, and argumental weakness. Therefore, by leaving some unresolved questions, this study encourages future follow-up studies.

• Korean Journal of Weed Science
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.70-79
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• 1992

From the beginning of the chosun dynasty, an agriculture-first policy was imposed by being written farming books, for instance, Nongsajiksul, matched with real conditions of local agriculture, which provided the grounds of new, intensive farming technologies. This farming book was the collection of good fanning technologies that were experienced in rural farm areas at that time. According to Nongsajiksul, rice culture systems were divided into "Musarmi"(Water-Seeded rice), /"Kunsarmi"(dry-seeded rice), /transplanted rice and mountainous rice (upland rice) culture. The characteristics of these rice cultures with high technologies were based of scientific weeding methods, improved fertilization, and cultivation works using cattle power and manpower tools systematically. Reclamation of coastal swampy and barren land was possible in virtue of fire cultivation farming(火耕) and a weeding tool called "Yoonmok"(輪木). Also, there was an improved hoe to do weeding works as well as thinning and heaping-up of soil at seeding stages of rice. Direct-seeded rice culture in flat paddy fields were expanded by constructing the irrigation reservoirs and ponds, and the valley paddy fields was reclaimed by constructing "Boh(洑)". These were possible due to weed control by irrigation waters, keeping soil fertility by inorganic fertilization during irrigation, and increased productivity of rice fields by supplying good physiological conditions for rice. Also, labor-saving culture of rice was feasible by transplanting but in national-wide, rice should not basically be transplanted because of the restriction of water use. Thus, direct-seeded rice in dry soils was established, in which rice was direct-seeded and grown in dry soils by seedling stages and was grown in flooded fields when rained, as in the book "Nongsajiksul". During the middle of the dynasty(AD 1495-1725), the excellent labor-saving farmings include check-rowing transplanting because of weeding efficiency and availability in rice("Hanjongrok"), and, nurserybed techniques (early transplanting of rice) were emphasized on the basis of rice transplanting ["Nongajibsung"]. The techniques for deep plowing with cattle powers and for putting more fertilizers were to improve the productivity of labor and land, The matters advanced in "Sanlimkyungje" more than in "Nongajibsung" were, development of "drybed of rice nursery stock", like "upland rice nursery" today, transplanting, establishment of "winter barly on drained paddy field, and improvement of labor and land-productivity in rice". This resulted in the community of large-scale farming by changing the pattern of small-farming into the production system of rice management. Woo-hayoung(1741-1812) in his book "Chonilrok" tried to reform from large-scale farmings into intensive farmings, of which as eminent view was to divide the land use into transplanting (paddy) and groove-seeding methods(dry field). Especially as insisted by Seo-yugo ("Sanlimkyungjeji"), the advantages of transplanting were curtailment of weeding labors, good growth of rice because of soil fertility of both nurserybed and paddy field, and newly active growth because rice plants were pulled out and replanted. Of course, there were reestimation of transplanting, limitation of two croppings a year, restriction of "paddy-upland alternation", and a ban for large-scale farming. At that period, Lee-jiyum had written on rice farming technologies in dry upland with consider of the land, water physiology of rice, and convenience for weeding, and it was a creative cropping system to secure the farm income most safely. As a integrated considerations, the followings must be introduced to practice the improved farming methods ; namely, improvement of farming tools, putting more fertilizers, introduction of cultural technologies more rational and efficient, management of labor power, improvement of cropping system to enhance use of irrigation water and land, introduction of new crops and new varieties.