• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.5-46
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• 2009

The origin of Korean mime is traceable to sacred actions of prehistoric age. There are materials about mime of this age in the archeological materials of this age, oral literature/myth, and written literature about this age. There were traces of the most original form of mime in primitive ritual of tribal nation age. The mimes of Samkooksidae/Tree Nation Age of Korea were presented to forms of Kamoobekhee(歌舞百戱)/Sanakbekhee(散樂百戱). We can discover traces of mime of this age in Hosunmoo(胡旋舞), Gwangsumoo(廣袖舞), Kweraehee(傀儡戱), Keeak(伎樂), Kummoo(劍舞) Muaemoo(無㝵舞), and so forth. Especially, Keeak in Beckjae was mask mime of Buddhistic contents. We can recognize that secular theatres were more diversified and strengthened than sacred thaetres in Nambukgooksidae/South-north Nation Age. According to these changes, there were many changes in the mime of this age. We can concretely find traditions of mime of this age in Cheryongkamoo(處容歌舞), Hwangchanmoo(黃倡舞), Taemyun(大面), Wuljen(月顚), Sodok(束毒)', Sanyae (狻猊), and so forth. Mimes of Koreasidae/Korea Age take diverse forms of puppet play, mask play, dance play. Established traditional mimes as Cheryongkamoo(處容歌舞) were widely disseminated in society. And dance plays of mime form as Hunsundo(獻仙桃), Pokurak(抛毬樂), Yunhwadae(蓮花臺)' were imported from Song Nation of China. Mime of Chosundidae/Chosun Age were developed with changes of theatre that were divided into Kyusickjeehee[規式之戲] as Kwangdae(廣大), Ser-in(西人), Joojil(注叱), Rongryung(弄鈴), Kendoo(斤頭) and Sohakjihee[笑謔之戱] as Soochuk(水尺) Sengkwangdae(僧廣大). Styles of theatre in this age were specialized into mudangkuk, Pungmoolkut, Inhyunguk/Puppet play, Talnoree/Mask paly, Pansori, Kungjoong Kamuakguk. According to this changes, mime of this age were specialized into diverse aspects. Korean mime were specialized into Kutnorum-formed mime, Inhyungnorum-formed mime, Jabsaeknorum-formed mime, Talnorum-formed mime, Kungjoongmuyong-formed mime, Pansori-formed mime, and so forth.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.52
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• pp.277-312
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• 2018

First-order cybernetics during the 1940s and 1950s aimed for control of an observed system, while second-order cybernetics during the mid-1970s aspired to address the mechanism of an observing system. The former pursues an objective, subjectless, approach to a system, whereas the latter prefers a subjective, personal approach to a system. Second-order observation must be noted since a human observer is a living system that has its unique cognition. Maturana and Varela place the autopoiesis of this biological system at the core of second-order cybernetics. They contend that an autpoietic system maintains, transforms and produces itself. Technoscientific recreation of biological autopoiesis opens up to a new step in cybernetics: what I describe as third-order cybernetics. The formation of technoscientific autopoiesis overlaps with the Fourth Industrial Revolution or what Erik Brynjolfsson and Andrew McAfee call the Second Machine Age. It leads to a radical shift from human centrism to posthumanity whereby humanity is mechanized, and machinery is biologized. In two versions of the novel Demon Seed, American novelist Dean Koontz explores the significance of technoscientific autopoiesis. The 1973 version dramatizes two kinds of observers: the technophobic human observer and the technology-friendly machine observer Proteus. As the story concludes, the former dominates the latter with the result that an anthropocentric position still works. The 1997 version, however, reveals the victory of the techno-friendly narrator Proteus over the anthropocentric narrator. Losing his narrational position, the technophobic human narrator of the story disappears. In the 1997 version, Proteus becomes the subject of desire in luring divorcee Susan. He longs to flaunt his male egomaniac. His achievement of male identity is a sign of technological autopoiesis characteristic of third-order cybernetics. To display self-producing capabilities integral to the autonomy of machinery, Koontz's novel demonstrates that Proteus manipulates Susan's egg to produce a human-machine mixture. Koontz's demon child, problematically enough, implicates the future of eugenics in an era of technological autopoiesis. Proteus creates a crossbreed of humanity and machinery to engineer a perfect body and mind. He fixes incurable or intractable diseases through genetic modifications. Proteus transfers a vast amount of digital information to his offspring's brain, which enables the demon child to achieve state-of-the-art intelligence. His technological editing of human genes and consciousness leads to digital standardization through unanimous spread of the best qualities of humanity. He gathers distinguished human genes and mental status much like collecting luxury brands. Accordingly, Proteus's child-making project ultimately moves towards technologically-controlled eugenics. Pointedly, it disturbs the classical ideal of liberal humanism celebrating a human being as the master of his or her nature.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.30-51
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• 2011

During the process of modernization, many rural villages in Korea have experienced degeneration and breakdown, losing sustainability. However, Oeam village in Asan City, South Chungcheong Province (State-designated cultural heritage, Important Folk Material No. 236) has established itself as a unique folk village, which evolves with sustainability, pursuing the revival of Neo-traditionalism. Oeam village is a tribal village of the Yis from the Yean region and has maintained environmental, economic, and social sustainability and soundness for over five centuries. Thus, the village has sustained itself well enough to be a cultural asset with 'Outstanding Universal Value', in terms of its value as world cultural heritage. The village maintains its own identity, filled with a variety of traditional and scenic cultural assets that symbolize a gentry village. Those assets include Confucian sceneries (head family houses, ancestral shrines, tombs, gravestones, commemorative monuments, and pavilions), various assets of folk religion (totem poles, protective trees at the entrance of a village, shrines for mountain spirits, village forests), tangible and intangible cultural assets related to daily lives (vigorous family activities, rigorous ancestral rituals, family rituals, collective agriculture and protection of ecosystem), which have all been well preserved and inherited. In particular, this village is an example of a well-being community with a well-preserved folksy atmosphere, which is based on environmentally sound settlements (nature + economy + environment + community) in a village established according to geomancy, East Asia's unique principle of environmental design. In addition, the village has kept the sustainability and authenticity for more than 500 years, combining restraint towards the environment and the view of the environment which respects the natural order and cultural values (capacity + healthy + sustainability). Therefore, the Oeam folk village can be a representative example of a folksy and scenic Korean community which falls into the category of IV (to exemplify an outstanding type of building, architectural or technological ensemble, or landscape which illustrates significant stages in human history) and V (to exemplify an outstanding traditional human settlement, land-use, or sea-use which is representative of cultures, or human interaction with the environment especially when it has become vulnerable under the impact of irreversible change) of Unesco's World Cultural Heritage.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.44 no.1
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• pp.52-71
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• 2011

This study was initiated with the intent to consider the features of Gugokwonlim and to compare Gabsagugok(甲寺九曲) to Yongsangugok(龍山九曲) against the backdrop of Mt. Gyeryong by revealing their nature and confirming the names and exact locations. A literature review, interviews with local people and field studies confirmed that Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok are each composed of 9 seasonal features. The former is made up of Yongyuso(龍遊沼) - Iilcheon(二一川) - Baengnyonggang(白龍岡) - Dalmuntaek(達門澤) - Geumgyeam(金鷄?) - Myeongwoldam(明月潭) - Gyemyeongam(鷄鳴巖) - Yongmunpok(龍門瀑) - Sujeongbong(水晶峰) while the latter is made up of Simyongmun(尋龍門) - Eunnyongdam(隱龍潭) - Waryonggang(臥龍剛) - Yuryongdae(遊龍臺) - Hwangnyongam(黃龍岩) - Hyeollyongso(見龍沼) - Ullyongtaek(雲龍澤) - Biryongchu(飛龍湫) - Sillyongyeon(神龍淵). Both Gabsagugok and Yongsangugok are part of Gugokwonlim built in the valleys of Mt. Gyeryong in the late Joseon Dynasty by Byeoksu Yun Deok-yeong (1927) and Chwieum Gwon Jun-myeon (1932), respectively, with a 5 year difference. Gabsagugok was supposedly designed to reflect an individual taste for the arts and to admire principles of Juyeok (ch. Zhouyi) and the beauty of nature. On the contrary, Yongsangugok appears to be the builder's expression of his longing for independence day, likened to the life of a dragon after receiving the sad news of Japan's annexation of Korea. Such differences show that these two builders had very different intentions from one another. The letters of Gabsagugok have a semi cursive style and were deeply engraved on the rock in a square shape. Consequently they have not been worn away except for those in Yongyuso, the first Gok. In contrast, the letters in Yongsangugok have an antiquated, cursive-Yija style but because they were engraved relatively lightly, serious wear and damage occurred. In terms of location, Gabsagugok was built around Ganseongjang adjacent to the 5th Gok while Yongsangugok was set up around the 5th Gok, Hwangnyongam. Meanwhile, the important motif which forms the background of Gabsagugok seemingly highlights the geographic identity of Mt. Gyeryong using the dragon and the chicken as themes. It also appears to symbolize the principles of Juyeok focusing on Kan of the Eight Trigrams for divination; this requires an in-depth study for confirmation. The main motif and theme of Yongsangugok is the dragon. It infuses the builder's intentions in Sangsinri Valley by communicating with nature through a story of a dragon's life from birth to ascension. It is assumed that he tried to use this story to express his hope for restoring the national spirit and reconstructing the country.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.240-255
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• 2016

In many cities in the East and West during the modern period, historical resources were perceived as obstacles to urban development and were treated as deficiencies calling for development. Korea underwent a process of drastic urbanization and industrialization almost unprecedented in modern history. In this process of turmoil, cities expanded rapidly and went through a series of changes. City development followed a repeated cycle in which resources were concentrated in the city area, which, in turn, led to further development. However, such method of development is reaching its limits. In order to make a city desirable for living, it is crucial to make an effort to build a sustainable city environment where life and history coexist harmoniously. It is now time to consider how to carry forth sustainable development in the city where the past, present, and future coexist. If so, how will the future of our cities look and the form of housing change? To answer this question, we examined Urban Hanok Residential Areas and Hanyangdoseong neighborhood village, which went through rapid changes in the modern period. The Hanok, which was a commonplace sight in the past, has been perceived as an underdeveloped form of housing, easily targeted for redevelopment only a few years ago; so was the case with Hanyangdoseong neighborhood village. Yet now these are being revalued as sustainable housing areas able to coexist with the history of the city. That is, through restoration, their potential of contributing to the history and identity of the city is gaining recognition. In this regard, it holds great implications for us to look at the changes that traditional Korean housing areas and castle villages have undergone.

• Research in Plant Disease
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.8-15
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• 2019

Plum pox virus (PPV) is a significant viral disease in Prunus spp. worldwide. A nationwide survey was started in Prunus spp. orchards, since PPV was first detected from peach in Korea, 2015. During 2016-2017, samples were collected from 30,333 trees in 1,985 orchards of stone fruits in 8 provinces and 4 cities, Korea and tested by RT-PCR using specific PPV primer set. As a result, 21 trees including peach (9 trees), Japanese apricot (4 trees), plum (1 tree), apricot (7 trees) in 10 orchards were infected and controlled by eradication program. Amplicons of the expected size (547 bp) were obtained from total RNA of seven peach trees in 2016, and directly sequenced. BLAST analysis revealed the highest nucleotide (NT) identity (99%) with a PPV D isolates (LC331298, LT600782) in Genbank. The seven isolates from shared nt sequence identities of 98 to 100% with one another. Phylogenetic analysis showed the isolates in peach clustered closely with the PPV-D isolates from Korea, Japan, USA, and Canada. This is, to our knowledge, the first report of the presence of PPV in Prunus spp. orchards in Korea, 2016-2017, we hope that our results and efforts will contribute to effective measures for eradication of PPV.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.5
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• pp.97-111
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• 2021

The purpose of this study was to analyze commemoration characteristics of the United States of America, the Commonwealth, and Germany through representative 14 military cemeteries of World war II in Western Europe. Based on the commemoration characteristics such as spacial characteristic, commemorative elements, and graves and headstone, the commemoration culture among U.S., the Commonwealth. and Germany were studied comparatively. The results are as follows. First, taking geometrical form with mainly square type, rarely circle and spiral patterned, most cemeteries were structured spatial central axis with symmetry, those cemeteries were styled neoclassical, but some of the U.S. cemeteries were modernistic, connecting spaces organically with curved line layout. Second, chapel, the wall of missing, the wall of battle map, and sculpture in the U.S military cemeteries, and 'the cross of sacrifice' and 'the stone of remembrance' as classical monument in the Commonwealth war cemeteries were commonly applied standardized commemorative elements, but commemorative monuments in German military cemeteries were restricted except monumental cross. Third, the symbolic cross of christianism was used all cemeteries to console and cherish the soul of soldiers, specially the Latin crosses in the U.S military cemeteries delivered political message as the american martyr for Western Europe and also the power of the U.S., but the cross in German and the Commonwealth war cemeteries were basically cherish and comfort individual spirit. Fourth, showing the power of victory with national patriotism, the U.S. strongly represented christianism and liberal democracy against communism, the Commonwealth showed imperialistic style, and German military cemeteries were quietly appeared as traditional style forwarding reconciliation and peace. This study suggest the war cemeteries have national identity with typical form and symbolic aesthetics. Further study will be required to materialize sublime commemoration in national cemeteries and to form advanced commemorative culture in Korea.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.32
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• pp.171-208
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• 2016

Female folk song singers do not necessarily recognize the indigenous elements, which are, however, naturally reflected in the narration in the context. Singers of Taebaek Ararei recognize the dialect, the tone and the song when performing. Traditional Ararei had been performed by singers in the village of slash-and-burn field in Hwangji. Cheolam and Jangseong do not have their own traditional songs sing they are mining regions but had adopted songs from other areas including Gyeonggbuk, which still remain as alternative versions. Many elements of Jeongseon Arari and Samcheok Menari are in the narration and the songs. In terms of the context, alternative versions of Ararei are old Arirang melodies from slash-and-burn fields and were confirmed to be a very old form of oral folk songs in Gangwondo. Female singers of 3 generations, Hwaok Mun, Geumsu Kim and Hyojeong Kim, who keep the tradition and identity of Taebaek Ararei, show the integration of the past, present and future of Ararei. The Ararei Preservation Society continuously organizes singers' performances and maintains the tradition. The singer Hwaok Mun was born in Taecheon, Pyeongannamdo and moved to south at 5 and lived in Hajang, Samcheok and then moved to Jangseong and lived in Jaemungok. She is a mother of 6 children and has been a farmer for most of her life. She currently resides in Mungokdong and would sing Ararei at village feasts or events. She says she learned the song naturally because Ararei was sung very often in the past around Taebaek area. She is a typical native Arirang singer. The singer Geumsu Kim is a daughter of Hwaok Mun and leads the Taebaek Ararei Preservation Society to study, maintain and introduce the sound of Taebaek(Taebaek Arirang). She introduces Miner Arirang and Taebaek Ararei to the society members and the local residents. The singer Hyojeong Kim is a granddaughter of Hwaok Mun and follows the tradition of her grandmother and mother while adopting more modern Arirang contents.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.20 no.3
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• pp.263-297
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• 2010

The relics of the Southeast Asian civilizations in the first phase are found with the relics from India, China, and even further West of Persia and Rome. These relics are the historic marks of the ancient interactions of various continents, mainly through the maritime trade. The traces of the indic culture, which appears in the historic age, are represented in the textual records and arts, regarded as the essence of the India itself. The ancient Hindu arts found in various locations of Southeast Asia were thought to be transplanted directly from India. However, Neither did the Gupta Hindu Art of India form the mainstream of the Gupta Art, nor did it play an influential role in the adjacent areas. The Indian culture was transmitted to Southeast Asia rather intermittently than consistently. If we thoroughly compare the early Hindu art of India and that of Southeast Asia, we can find that the latter was influenced by the former, but still sustained Southeast Asian originality. The reason that the earliest Southeast Asian Hindu art is discovered mostly in continental Southeast Asia is resulted from the fact that the earliest networks between India and the region were constructed in this region. Among the images of Hindu gods produced before the 7th century are Shiva, Vishnu, Harihara, and Skanda(the son of Shiva), and Ganesha(the god of wealth). The earliest example of Vishnu was sculpted according to the Kushan style. After that, most of the sculptures came to have robust figures and graceful proportions. There are a small number of images of Ganesha and Skanda. These images strictly follow the iconography of the Indian sculpture. This shows that Southeast Asians chose their own Hindu gods from the Hindu pantheon selectively and devoted their faiths to them. Their basic iconography obediently followed the Indian model, but they tried to transform parts of the images within the Southeast Asian contexts. However, it is very difficult to understand the process of the development of the Hindu faith and its contents in the ancient Southeast Asia. It is because there are very few undamaged Hindu temples left in Southeast Asia. It is also difficult to make sure that the Hindu religion of India, which was based on the complex rituals and the caste system, was transplanted to Southeast Asia, because there were no such strong basis of social structure and religion in the region. "Indianization" is an organized expansion of the Indian culture based on the sense of belonging to an Indian context. This can be defined through the process of transmission and progress of the Hindu or Buddhist religions, legends about purana, and the influx of various epic expression and its development. Such conditions are represented through the Sanskrit language and the art. It is the element of the Indian culture to fabricate an image of god as a devotional object. However, if we look into details of the iconography, style, and religious culture, these can be understood as a "selective reception of foreign religious culture." There were no sophisticated social structure yet to support the Indian culture to continue in Southeast Asia around the 7th century. Whether this phenomena was an "Indianization" or the "influx of elements of Indian culture," it was closely related to the matter of 'localization.' The regional character of each local region in Southeast Asia is partially shown after the 8th century. However it is not clear whether this culture was settled in each region as its dominant culture. The localization of the Indian culture in Southeast Asia which acted as a network connecting ports or cities was a part of the process of localization of Indian culture in pan-Southeast Asian region, and the process of the building of the basis for establishing an identity for each Southeast Asian region.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.26 no.3
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• pp.1-50
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• 2016

This paper aims to investigate the cultural conflicts and characteristics of anti-Korean Wave discourse taken placed among Southeast Asian countries. To do this, it takes Vietnam and Indonesia as the study cases, which have been showing a trend of anti-Korean Wave discourse as well as high popularity of Hallyu. As research methods, the paper analyzes both on-line discourses of anti-Korean Wave and the email audience interviews from both countries. The results show some significant differences between the two countries as well as the similarity that Anti-Korean Wave discourses have been actively produced and disseminated through on-line media. As for Indonesia, the Anti-Korean Wave discourse pivots on the elements clashing between Indonesia's religion and cultural values and Korean consuming culture. According to the Anti-Korean Wave discourse, K-pop contents and entertainers are criticized for damaging the society's morals and cultural identities based on Islamic rules and values. Thus, the sentiment of the Anti-Korean Wave is likely to lead to the cultural nationalism for the sake of their cultural identity. As for Vietnam, anti-Korean Wave discourse mainly consists of issues on enthusiastic K-pop fans' anti-social behaviors and generational conflicts which are presumed attributed as the chief factor of the Anti-Korean Wave. In the Vietnamese discourse, social elites and adults treat the enthusiastic K-pop fans as those who are in need of educational care or psychological therapy. Unlike the Indonesian case, anti-Korean Wave discourse in Vietnam criticized the K-pop and the performer's competence for being cheap sexy and incompetence. They also denounce Korean dramas for their trite, typical story lines, use of excessive emotion, and unrealistic nature. However, the two country's interview participants have in common both acknowledged that rather than considering the Anti-Korean Wave as an issue that needs to be resolved it should be embraced as a natural cultural phenomenon.