• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.29 no.2
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• pp.137-165
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• 1994

Structural adjustment of industry (or industrial restructuring) seems to be inherent in the process of capitalist economic development, which tends to be proceeded with shifts from one stage to another in order to overcome structural crises generated in each stage. The structural adjustment of industry is necessarily accompanied with regional restructuring, since it is not only projected on spece, but also mediated by space. Such a restructuring necessitates industrial and uneven regional devlopment through which capital can seek excessive profits over the rate of socio-spatial average. The industrial restructuring and uneven regional development in the 1980s in Korea can be seen as a process in which capital attempted with a strong support of the govenment to overcome the crises in the end of 1970s and hence to go on rapid economic growth. In this process, capital, especially monopoly capital concentrated into few conglomerates, pursued both extensive expansion and intensive development of industry simultaneously. In results, the Korean economy could eliminate some of peripheral characters and maturate the Fordist accumulation system. The extensive expansion of the Korean industry in the 1980s was stimulated mainly through the enlargement and adjustment of investment for equipment facilities which was planned to exclude or rationalize traditional light industries on some places, and to continue rapid growth of key heavy-chemical industries, especially of fabricated metal industry, on other places. In this process, keeping mainly the existing developmental axis which polarized the Seoul Metroplitan region and the Southeast region in Korea, the enhancing spatial mobiiity of capital and the further differentiating division of labour enforced a tendency of concentration of all types of industry in the Seoul Metropolitan region, and at the same time provoked the diffusion of some industries over Jeolla and Chungchong regions in a considerable extent. The intensive development of industriai structure in the 1980s was pursued through the strategic encouragement of subcontracting small firms mainly which produced assembling components, the technical enhancement and factory (semi-) automation, and the enrichment of service industries for estate management, finance, distribution and retailing which supported and complemented the production of goods. In this process, enabling capital to extend and elaborate its domination over space through the reorganization of regulating systems, the Fordist division of labour generated a socio-spatial hierarchy in the nation-wide scale that characterized: the Seoul Metropolitan region as an overmaturated (or overarching) Fordist region performing the conceptive functions of management, research and development, in which all types of industry (including service industries) tended to be reconcentrated; Kyungsang region as a maturated Fordist region with excutive branches of large conglomerates and with subcontracting firms around them which produced standardized products through the automized production processes in secialized Fordist industries or rationalized traditional industries; and Jeolla and Chungchong regions as newly devloping Fordist regions with newly migrated branches and some subcontracting small firms-in relatively older Fordist industries or partly rationalized traditional industries. From these analyses, it can be argued that the structural adjustment of the Korean industry in the 1980s, which had carried out both through the extensive expansion and the intensive deveiopment, strengthened further uneven regional development process, even though it appears to have reduced apparently the economic and regional disparity by balancing numerically large and small firms and by extending the Fordist industrial space nation-wideiy. And it seems more persuasive to see that the Korean industrial structure in the 1980s maturated the Fordist system of accumulation, but not yet transformed towards the post-Fordist (or the so-called flexible) accumulation system, even though the Korean economy in the 1990s seems to be under a pressure of restructuring towards the latter system.

• Magazine of the Korean Society of Agricultural Engineers
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.3170-3180
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• 1973

This study of the subject will review past and present irrigation development in Korea. Particular attention will be given to water pricing structure and a case study on the purpose of rational operation and management of irrigation water and organizations, and the optimum irrigation water and organizations, and the optimum irrigation water fee inorder to reduce farmers burden and to rationalize the farmland associations management so as to achieve development of the rural environment. In 1971, the reservoir of the Farmland Improvement A sociation (FIA) produced only 775 millison $m^3$ of irrigation water or 77% of planned capacity of 1,015 million $m^3$. It was caused by inefficient maintenance of irrigation facilities; for instance, about 21% of reservoirs, pumping stations and weirs in Korea have been silted by soil erosion which hinder to water production according to an ADC survey. The first Irritation Association was established in 1906, whcih was renamed the Farmland Assoeiation by the Rural Development Enouragement Law in 1970. By the end of 1971, 411,000 ha of rice paddies were under the control of 267 associations nationwide. The average water price assessed by Associations nationwide rose from 790 won per 0.1 ha. in 1966 to 1,886 won in 1971. The annual growth rate was 20%. The highest water price in 1971 was 4,773 won her 0.1 ha. and the lowest was 437 won. This range was caused by differences in debt burden, geographic conditions and management efficiency among the Associations. In 1971, the number of Associations which exceeded the average water price of 1,886 won per 0.1 ha. was 144, or 55.1% of all Association. In determination of water price, there are two principles; one is determined by production cost such as installation cost of irrigation facilities, maintenance cost, management cost and depreciation ect. For instance, the Yong San River Development project was required 33.7 billion won for total construction and maintenance cost is 3.1 billion won for repayment, maintenance and management cost per year. The project produces 590 million $m^3$ of irrigation water annually. Accordingly, the water price per $m^3$ is 5.25 won. The other principle is determined by water value in the crop products and in compared with production of irrigated paddy and non-irrigated paddy. By using this method, water value in compared with paddy rice vs. upland rice(Average of 1967-1971) was 14.15 won per $m^3$ and irrigated paddy vs. non-irrigated paddy was 2.98 won per $m^3$. In contrast the irrigation fee in average association of 1967-1971 was 1.54 won per $m^3$. Accordingly, the current national average irrigation fee(water price) is resonable compared with its water value. In this study, it is found that the ceiling of water price in terms of water value is 2.98 won per $m^3$ or 2,530 won per 0.1 ha. However, in 1971 55% of the associations were above the average of nationwide irrigation fees. which shows the need for rationalization of the Association's management. In connection with rationalization of the Association's management, this study recommends the following matters. (1) Irrigation fee must be assessed according to the amount of water consumption taking intoaccount the farmer's ability. (2) Irrigation fee should be graded according to behefits and crop patterns. (3) Training personnel in the operation and procedures of water management to save O&M costs. (4) Insolvent farmland association should be integrated into larger, sound associations in the same GUN in order to reduce farmers' water cost. (5) The maintenance and repair of existing irrigation facilities is as important as expansion of facilities. (6) Establishment of a new Union of Farmland Association is required to promoted proper maintenance and to protect the huge investment in irrigation facilities by means of technical supervision and guidance.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.2
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• pp.110-139
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• 2020

Reclamation is the act of creating new lands by constructing dikes in offshore tidal flats to utilize them for various purposes, including the establishment of farmland to secure food for an increasing population. Based on the fact that reclamation has resulted in drastic changes in the environmental, economic, social, and cultural aspects of land expansion and development, population movement, and the formation of cities since ancient times, I reviewed the value of reclamation sites and addressed the issue of how to preserve and utilize them. "Reclamation culture" refers collectively to the recognition and concept system, behavior styles, and cultural products created by changes in the environment, and the tangible, intangible, and natural heritage generated directly and indirectly by reclamation is defined as "reclamation cultural heritage". It shows that the historical background of reclamation accords with prevailing trends, and that the reclamation sites possess cultural heritage value due to their historical, academic, and scarce characteristics. Numerous reclamation cultural heritage sites at the Gwangwhal and Gyehwa dikes are on the verge of being destroyed, with their original function having ended after the construction of Saemangeum Sea Wall. I propose measures to preserve these under the principle that utilization is based on the basic premise of conservation. First of all, modern and contemporary reclamation sites must necessarily be designated and managed as registered cultural properties, local cultural heritage, future heritage, and agricultural heritage. In particular, as it has been confirmed that reclamation sites created after the Goryeo and Joseon dynasties and the 1950s have not been designated as cultural heritage sites. It is necessary to review the characteristics and values of such reclamation sites through a full survey of national reclamation data. Effective and sustainable utilization of reclamation cultural heritage, which has not been acknowledged in the past due to its close relationship with our lives, is necessary to search for hidden stories found within that heritage, to organize governance for the efficient use of reclamation resources, and to build a museum to collect and display the history and culture of the reclaimed areas. Finally, through links with countries with experience in reclamation, we will be able to cope jointly with international issues such as those pertaining to society, culture, and environment, and would be able to implement various projects to further the advancement of human beings.

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.53
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• pp.9-59
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• 2017

Recently, the aspect of regulating the legal system in North Korea has increased in quantity and shows the improvement of the evaluation of the lack of systematic consistency in the past. North Korean legislation has been negatively criticized for its lack of function and role of the legislative body and ambiguity of the legal system. In particular, the newly adopted "Legislation Law" in relation to the revision of the legislative system of North Korea contains important and clear contents to understand the legislative system and procedures of North Korea. The contents of the "Legislation Law" can be found a glimpse of the process by which the framework and procedures of the North Korean legislative process are organized more systematically. The North Korean legislation provides legal and institutional grounds for promoting internal and external policies under the Kim jong-un's regime. North Korea is focused on the nuclear issue, so there is limited information on other areas. In light of this, the purpose of this study is to examine the legislative theory and system of North Korea, and outline the theoretical basis of North Korea's emphasis on strengthening socialist judicial life, the socialist legal system, and the state theory of socialist rule of law. In addition, it can be analysed the content of actual legal reform in light of North Korea's legislative theory and system. In the study, it will examine the legislative system of North Korea and its characteristics by examining the legislative process and legislative process of North Korea. Moreover, it can be compared the contents of the Legislative Law of China with the legislative process of the DPRK and examine its characteristics. We will look at the challenges to the legislative system in North Korea and look into the future direction of the legislation. Kim jong-un's announcement of the revised legislation until recently through the publication of the 2016 Supplementary Codes is an important data for the current state of the North Korean legislation. This is because it confirms the content of the laws and regulations already known through "Democratic Chosun(a newspaper issued by North Korea Cabinet)'s statutory interpretation." However, in the case of laws and regulations related to the North Korean political system, it is still a remnant of the lagging legislation that the announcement is delayed, or it remains undisclosed or confidential. North Korean laws are developed and changed according to the changes of the times. In particular, the contents of the maintenance of foreign investment and the foreign economic law system and related internal legal system are found to change in accordance with the development direction of the socioeconomic system. If the direction of Kim jong-un's regime is to be expanded to the path of reform and opening up in the economic sector, the revision of the related laws and regulations will accelerate. Securing the transparency and objectivity of the North Korean legislative process and procedures will help to broaden the understanding of the inter-Korean legal system and to seek institutional measures for inter-Korean integration. In the future, in-depth research on the North Korean legal system will be emphasized as a basis for ultimately forming a unified Korea's legal system.

• Journal of Legislation Research
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• no.53
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• pp.455-489
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• 2017

The new system on the Corporate Social Responsibility(CSR) in the Indian Companies Act became overnight sensation to the worldwide. However there has been very few studies which are analyzing a purpose of it under the context of Indian societies. This paper examines the circumstance whether the CSR activities is functioning well or not. And verifying problems regarding it and suggesting supportive measures are a target of this paper. Though Indian government already established CSR legislation, they did not stipulate the penalty clause. And that became why corporations were poorly perform on CSR activities in first year of enforcement. Furthermore, There is a proclivity that corporations lack an understanding for which activities could be recognized into the CSR. And they excused that they had no time for themselves to adjust an abruptly changing business landscape. With all, unlike rosy expectations, corporations only showed little interests to the area where the investment or attentions from the media are expected. Fortunately, incumbent legislative is fully aware of it and exploit their best resources to various social fields. Despite the doubts that they originally did not have any intention to introduce the penalty clause, they are handling problems in ways that corporations can be invited in public programs. They also need to request the service sectors to take a leading role of it, which could provide the financial, or telecommunication service to the people in rural province. Thus, the fact that there was a substantial rise in terms of the amount of CSR expenses in 2015 provides a supporting evidence to the endeavors of the government. In doing so, we could finally achieve a better understanding of two-fold goals shown in this paper; maturing settlement of this legislation and development of Indian society.

• Journal of Energy Engineering
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.65-79
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• 2019

The study attempted to estimate the optimal facility capacity by combining renewable energy sources that can be connected with gas CHP in industrial complexes. In particular, we reviewed industrial complexes subject to energy use plan from 2013 to 2016. Although the regional designation was excluded, Sejong industrial complex, which has a fuel usage of 38 thousand TOE annually and a high heat density of $92.6Gcal/km^2{\cdot}h$, was selected for research. And we analyzed the optimal operation model of CHP Hybrid System linking fuel cell and photovoltaic power generation using HOMER Pro, a renewable energy hybrid system economic analysis program. In addition, in order to improve the reliability of the research by analyzing not only the heat demand but also the heat demand patterns for the dominant sectors in the thermal energy, the main supply energy source of CHP, the economic benefits were added to compare the relative benefits. As a result, the total indirect heat demand of Sejong industrial complex under construction was 378,282 Gcal per year, of which paper industry accounted for 77.7%, which is 293,754 Gcal per year. For the entire industrial complex indirect heat demand, a single CHP has an optimal capacity of 30,000 kW. In this case, CHP shares 275,707 Gcal and 72.8% of heat production, while peak load boiler PLB shares 103,240 Gcal and 27.2%. In the CHP, fuel cell, and photovoltaic combinations, the optimum capacity is 30,000 kW, 5,000 kW, and 1,980 kW, respectively. At this time, CHP shared 275,940 Gcal, 72.8%, fuel cell 12,390 Gcal, 3.3%, and PLB 90,620 Gcal, 23.9%. The CHP capacity was not reduced because an uneconomical alternative was found that required excessive operation of the PLB for insufficient heat production resulting from the CHP capacity reduction. On the other hand, in terms of indirect heat demand for the paper industry, which is the dominant industry, the optimal capacity of CHP, fuel cell, and photovoltaic combination is 25,000 kW, 5,000 kW, and 2,000 kW. The heat production was analyzed to be CHP 225,053 Gcal, 76.5%, fuel cell 11,215 Gcal, 3.8%, PLB 58,012 Gcal, 19.7%. However, the economic analysis results of the current electricity market and gas market confirm that the return on investment is impossible. However, we confirmed that the CHP Hybrid System, which combines CHP, fuel cell, and solar power, can improve management conditions of about KRW 9.3 billion annually for a single CHP system.

• Journal of Fisheries and Marine Sciences Education
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• v.3 no.2
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• pp.73-82
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• 1991

In recent years, the communication and the trade between the Republic of Korea(South Korea) and the Communist bloc has been activated. The simultaneous entrance of South Korea and North Korea to the United Nations will accelerate the political dialogue and also the trade which is indirectly carried out through a third country at present will be turned into direct way. Fisheries products are also treated as one of the important trade goods and there is a hopeful prospect that the amount of trade will be steeply increased in the near future. Furthermore, there is a great possibility of development up to the joint utilization of fishing grounds or the joint investment in fisheries projects. Concerning such points, since it is very much important to understand the present status of fisheries in North Korea, the author made a study on this field as requested by the Board of Unification, and report a part of the study here. The prominent character of North Korea's ruling sea area is that the sea is completely separated into two regions-the East Sea Region and the West Sea Region-and no continuity exists between them. The East Sea Region locates in the fringe of the biggest fishing ground of the world-the North Pacific Ocean-and very rich in resources not only warm water fishes but also cold water fishes. Especially alaska pollack, Theragra chalcogramma, is caught abundantly in this region. Contrary to that, fishing activity in the West Sea Region seems to be interrupted in winter. Even though some valuable warm water fishes-yellow corvenia, Pseudosciaena manchurica, and hair tail, Trichiurus lepturus, and so forth-come to this region from spring to summer along the coast line of this region for spawning, and vigorous fishing activity is carried out. But the most of them migrate southward to the neighboring waters of Cheju Island for wintering from autumn to winter, and so the fishing activity in this region seems to be interrupted greatly during winter. The total number of fishing boats in North Korea is estimated at 36 thousand and the rate of mechnization at about 70% compared with 99 thousand and 78% in South Korea. North Korea proclaimed an exclusive economic zone of 200 nautical miles in 1977. Specific character of this zone is setting of military boundary zone, up to 50 miles from the base line in the East Sea Region and also it covers whole region of the economic zone in the West Sea Region. Especially in the East Sea Region she set up a straight base line which can not be permissible by the international law. North Korea's statistics on fisheries product has not been announced officially on account of her unique isolationism, but it can be estimated through several data procured. At the first, the amount of fisheries products in the North Korea is reported as about 1.7 million ${\frac{M}{T}}$ by Fisheries Statistics which issued by the FAO in 1987, but a North Korea's trade organization announced the amount as 3.5 million ${\frac{M}{T}}$ in 1988. The former seems to be underestimated and the latter must be an exaggeration. According to Chikuni, who is a Japanese worker for FAO, prepared the unofficial statistics based on the evidence which he collected through the fineries development plan of the FAO/UNDP, and estimated the mean amount between 1982 and 1984 was 2.4 million ${\frac{M}{T}}$ or so. The Board of Unification estimated on the basis of various factors that the amount was 2.2 million ${\frac{M}{T}}$ or so in 1987 and in 1988. This seems to be the most reasonable. To solve the chronic lack of foreign currency, North Korea makes effort on the development of fisheries, and has even aimed fisheries product at 11 million ${\frac{M}{T}}$ by 1993, but this target looks unrealistic under the present circumstances. Somehow, we can exploit her extreme policy which has gone so far as to establish such an excessive and impractical target. Nevertheless this will be helpful to promote the joint development of the fishery activity between South Korea and North Korea.

• Journal of Korea Society of Industrial Information Systems
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• v.24 no.1
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• pp.45-63
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• 2019

The number of domestic construction company is expanding every year while the construction workers' exposure to disaster risk is increasing due to technological advancements and popularity of high-rise buildings. In particular, the industry faces greater fatalities and severe large scale accidents because of construction industry characteristics including influx of foreign workers with different language and culture, large number of aged workers, outsourcing, high place work, heavy machine construction. The construction industry is labor-intensive, which is to be completed under given timeline and consists of unique working environment with a lot of night shifts. In addition, when a fixed construction budget is not secured, there is less investment in safety management resulting in poor risk management at the construction site. Taking account that the construction industry has higher accident risk rate and fatality rate, risky and unique working environment, and various labor pool from foreign to aged workers, preemptive safety management through risk factor identification is a mandatory requirement for the construction industry and site. The study analyzes about 8,500 cases of construction accidents that occurred over the past 10 years and identified risk factor by construction industry sector to secure a systematic insight for risk management. Based on interrelation analysis between accident types, work types, original cause materials and assailing materials, there is correlation between each analysis factor and work industry. Especially for work types, there is great correlation between work tasks and industry type. For reinforced concrete and earthwork are among the most frequent types of accidents, and they are not only high in frequency of accidents, but also have a high risk in categories of occurrence.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.12 no.3
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• pp.11-26
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• 2021

With the increasing demand for office space, there have been questions on how office rent distribution produces a change in the urban spatial structure in Seoul. The purpose of this paper is to investigate a relative price gradient and to present a time-series model that can quantitatively explain the dynamic changes in the urban spatial structure. The analysis was dealt with office rent above 3,306 m² for the past 10 years from 1Q 2010 to 4Q 2019 within Seoul. A modified repeat sales model was employed. The main findings are briefly summarized as follows. First, according to the estimates of the office price gradient in the three major urban centers of Seoul, the CBD remained at a certain level with little change, while those in the GBD and the YBD continued to increase. This result reveals that the urban form of Seoul has shifted from monocentric to polycentric. This shows that the spatial distribution of companies has gradually accelerated decentralized concentration implying that the business networks have become significant. Second, contrary to small and medium-sized office buildings that have undertaken no change in the gradient, large office buildings have seen an increase in the gradient. The relative price gradients in small and medium-sized buildings were inversely proportional among the CBD, the GBD, and the YBD, implying their heterogeneous submarkets by office rent movements. Presumably, those differences in the submarkets were attributed to investment attraction, industrial competition, and the credit and preference of tenants. The findings are consistent with the hierarchical system identified in the Seoul 2030 Plan as well as the literature about Seoul's urban form. This research claims that the proposed method, based on the modified repeat sales model, is useful in understanding temporal dynamic changes. Moreover, the findings can provide implications for urban growth strategies under rapidly changing market conditions.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
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• v.3
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• pp.90-118
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• 2021

Gaeseong fostered the conditions necessary for modern capitalism, as huge capital was accumulated through the cultivation and trade of ginseng, which were activities that flourished in the 18th century. During the Japanese colonial era, ginseng merchants were not simply limited to acquiring landowner capital from ginseng trade but actively converted such resource to productive and financial capital, thereby becoming modern entrepreneurs. Ginseng merchants led the joint management and investment of Gaeseong Electric Co., Ltd., Daehan Cheonil Bank, Gaeseong Brewing Co., Ltd., and Songgo Textile Company, founded in the early 20th century. They pursued corporate profits and, as leading individuals of society, spearheaded regional development by supporting educational and cultural projects in Gaeseong. These projects included the establishment of the Gaeseong Commercial School, the publication of Goryeo Times, and the operation of the Gaeseong Jwa Theater. Although liberal economics prioritized shareholder interest, the 21st century witnessed an emphasis on social responsibility among stakeholders asthe major purpose of enterprises. A trend that emerged was ESG (environment, social, governance) management, in which non-financial factors are valued more highly than financial performance. A successful business, which was denoted only by high profits in the past, is now defined by whether a company fulfills its social responsibility. In the early 20th century, the corporate activities of ginseng merchants in Gaeseong reflected entrepreneurship and stakeholder-centered ESG management, which later emerged as essential elements of modern business management. The modern management philosophy ahead of its times stemmed from the regionality of Gaeseong. The political discrimination against Gaeseong residents in the Joseon Dynasty precluded them from becoming government officers, and under a strict social hierarchy, yangban ("noblemen"), the intellectuals of the Joseon Dynasty, were forced to serve as merchants. Son Bong-sang and Kong Seong-hak, aside from being representative ginseng merchants, were both Confucian scholars and writers. The second and third generations of ginseng merchant families who had received higher education abroad returned to Gaeseong to carry on with their family businesses, then established modern companies with capital accrued from the ginseng industry. An analysis of the commercial activities of ginseng merchants in the early 20th century confirmed that these individuals were pioneering entrepreneurs who adopted the ESG management philosophy. In ginseng merchants, one sees a dimension of capitalism with a human face, as with ginseng thatsaves human life.