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Changes of Proteolytic Activity and Amino Acid Composition of the Tissue Extract from Sea Cucumber Entrails during Fermentation with Salt (해삼내장(內臟)젓갈 숙성중(熟成中) 단백질분해효소(蛋白質分解酵素)의 활성(活性)과 아미노산(酸) 조성(組成)의 변화(變化))

  • Lee, Gi Chan;Cho, Deuk Moon;Byun, Dae Seok;Joo, Hyen Kyu;Pyeun, Jae Hyeung
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
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    • v.12 no.4
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    • pp.342-349
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    • 1983
  • This study was undertaken to ascertain food and nutritional evaluating data on the processing of fermented sea cucumber (Stichopus japonicus) entrails. In the experiment, the crude proteolytic enzyme from the entrails tissue of raw and fermented sea cucumber during the days of ripening was extracted. The optimal activity condition for the crude enzyme and the compositional changes of amino acid of the protein and free amino acid in the raw and fermented sample were also investigated. 1. Less than three kinds of proteolytic enzymes that each enzyme has optimal activity condition at pH 3.1 $50^{\circ}C$(A-enzyme), pH 5.7 $50^{\circ}C$(B-enzyme) and pH 7.7 $45^{\circ}C$(C-enzyme), respectively were believed to be exist in the entrails tissue of sea cucumber. 2. A-enzyme and C-enzyme were strongly inhibited with the increase of the salt concentration, and B-enzyme was activated at the 1% salt concentration and was inhibited above the 5% salt concentration. 3. The result of the effect of several salt ions on the proteolytic activity showed that A-enzyme was slightly inhibited in the presence of all salt ions added, B-enzyme was activated in the presence of the all salt ions except $Cu^{2+}$ and C-enzyme was activated in the presence of $Ca^{2+}$ and $Mn^{2+}$, and inhibited by $Cu^{2+}$, $Co^{2+}$ and $Mg^{2+}$. 4. When the effects of the ripening days on the proteolytic activity of the crude enzymes were analysed, the activity of the A-enzyme was slightly weakened with the lapse of the fermentation days, whereas the B-enzyme was not influenced by the fermentation days. 5. In the analysis of amino acid composition of the protein of the samples, the 8 days fermented sea cucumber entrails showed the diminution of all kinds of amino acid. Apparently diminished amino acids were arginine, alanine, glutamic acid, glycine, serine, valine, threonine and lysine etc., and methionine, histidine and isoleucine were slightly decreased. 6. In the analysis of free amino acid composition of the 8 days fermented sample, glutamic acid, aspartic acid, leucine and lysine were rich, while histidine, methionine, proline and tyrosine were poor. The most of free amino acids were increased during the fermentation procedure and especially in lysine, histidine, threonine, glutamic acid, methionine, valine and leucine.

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A Study on ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn (조선통폐지인(朝鮮通幣之印) 연구)

  • Moon, Sangleun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.52 no.2
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    • pp.220-239
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    • 2019
  • According to the National Currency (國幣) article in GyeongGukDaeJeon (經國大典), the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn (朝鮮通幣之印) was a seal that was imprinted on both ends of a piece of hemp fabric (布). It was used for the circulation of hemp fabric as a fabric currency (布幣). The issued fabric currency was used as a currency for trade or as pecuniary means to have one's crime exempted or replace one's labor duty. The ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn would be imprinted on a piece of hemp fabric (布) to collect one-twentieth of tax. The ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn (朝鮮通幣之印) was one of the historical currencies and seal materials used during the early Chosun dynasty. Its imprint was a means of collecting taxes; hence, it was one of the taxation research materials. Despite its value, however, there has been no active research undertaken on it. Thus, the investigator conducted comprehensive research on it based on related content found in JeonRokTongGo (典錄通考), Dae'JeonHu-Sok'Rok (大典後續錄), JeongHeonSwaeRok (貞軒?錄) and other geography books (地理志) as well as the materials mentioned by researchers in previous studies. The investigator demonstrated that the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn was established based on the concept of circulating Choson fabric notes (朝鮮布貨) with a seal on ChongOseungp'o (正五升布) in entreaty documents submitted in 1401 and that the fabric currency (布幣) with the imprint of the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn was used as a currency for trade, pecuniary or taxation means of having one's crime exempted, or replacing one's labor, and as a tool of revenue from ships. The use of ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn continued even after a ban on fabric currencies (布幣) in March 1516 due to a policy on the "use of Joehwa (paper notes)" in 1515. It was still used as an official seal on local official documents in 1598. During the reign of King Yeongjo (英祖), it was used to make a military service (軍布) hemp fabric. Some records of 1779 indicate that it was used as a means of taxation for international trade. It is estimated that approximately 330 ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn were in circulation based on records in JeongHeonSwaeRok (貞軒?錄). Although there was the imprint of ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn in An Inquiry on Choson Currency (朝鮮貨幣考) published in 1940, there had been no fabric currencies (布幣) with its imprint on them or genuine cases of the seal. It was recently found among the artifacts of Wongaksa Temple. The seal imprint was also found on historical manuscripts produced at the Jikjisa Temple in 1775. The investigator compared the seal imprints found on the historical manuscripts of the Jikjisa Temple, attached to TapJwaJongJeonGji (塔左從政志), and published in An Inquiry on Choson Currency with the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn housed at the Wongaksa Temple. It was found that these seal imprints were the same shape as the one at Wongaksa Temple. In addition, their overall form was the same as the one depicted in Daerokji (大麓誌) and LiJaeNanGo (?齋亂藁). These findings demonstrate that the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn at Wongaksa Temple was a seal made in the 15th century and is, therefore, an important artifact in the study of Choson's currency history, taxation, and seals. There is a need for future research examining its various aspects.

A Study on the Wooden Seated Vairocana Tri-kaya Buddha Images in the Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa Temple (화엄사 대웅전 목조비로자나삼신 불좌상에 대한 고찰)

  • Choe, Songeun
    • MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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    • v.100
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    • pp.140-170
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    • 2021
  • This paper investigates the Wooden Seated Tri-kaya Buddha Images(三身佛像) of Vairocana, Rushana, and Sakyamuni enshrined in Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa temple(華嚴寺) in Gurae, South Cheolla Province. They were produced in 1634 CE and placed in 1635 CE, about forty years after original images made in the Goryeo period were destroyed by the Japanese army during the war. The reconstruction of Hwaeomsa was conducted by Gakseong, one of the leading monks of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century, who also conducted the reconstructions of many Buddhist temples after the war. In 2015, a prayer text (dated 1635) concerning the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was found in the repository within Sakyamuni Buddha. It lists the names of participants, including royal family members (i.e., prince Yi Guang, the eighth son of King Seon-jo), and their relatives (i.e., Sin Ik-seong, son-in-law of King Seonjo), court ladies, monk-sculptors, and large numbers of monks and laymen Buddhists. A prayer text (dated 1634) listing the names of monk-sculptors written on the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushana Buddha was also found. A recent investigation into the repository within Rushana Buddha in 2020 CE has revealed a prayer text listing participants producing these images, similar to the former one from Sakyamuni Buddha, together with sacred relics of hoo-ryeong-tong copper bottle and a large quantity of Sutra books. These new materials opened a way to understand Hwaeomsa Trikaya images, including who made them and when they were made. The two above-mentioned prayer texts from the repository of Sakyamuni and Rushana Buddha statues, and the wooden panel inside the pedestal of Rushan Buddha tell us that eighteen monk-sculptors, including Eungwon, Cheongheon and Ingyun, who were well-known monk artisans of the 17th century, took part in the construction of these images. As a matter of fact, Cheongheon belonged to a different workshop from Eungwon and Ingyun, who were most likely teacher and disciple or senior and junior colleagues, which means that the production of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images was a collaboration between sculptors from two workshops. Eungwon and Ingyun seem to have belonged to the same community studying under the great Buddhist priest Seonsu, the teacher of Monk Gakseong who was in charge of the reconstruction of Haweonsa temple. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images show a big head, a squarish face with plump cheeks, narrow and drooping shoulders, and a short waist, which depict significant differences in body proportion to those of other Buddha statues of the first half of 17th century, which typically have wide shoulders and long waists. The body proportion shown in the Hwaeomsa images could be linked with images of late Goryeo and early Joseon period. Rushana Buddha, raising his two arms in a preaching hand gesture and wearing a crown and bracelets, shows unique iconography of the Bodhisattva form. This iconography of Rushana Buddha had appeared in a few Sutra paintings of Northern Song and Late Goryeo period of 13th and 14th century. BodhaSri-mudra of Vairocana Buddha, unlike the general type of BodhaSri-mudra that shows the right hand holding the left index finger, places his right hand upon the left hand in a fist. It is similar to that of Vairocana images of Northern and Southern Song, whose left hand is placed on the top of right hand in a fist. This type of mudra was most likely introduced during the Goryeo period. The dried lacquer Seated Vairocana image of Bulheosa Temple in Naju is datable to late Goryeo period, and exhibits similar forms of the mudra. Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images also show new iconographic aspects, as well as traditional stylistic and iconographic features. The earth-touching (bhumisparsa) mudra of Sakymuni Buddha, putting his left thumb close to the middle finger, as if to make a preaching mudra, can be regarded as a new aspect that was influenced by the Sutra illustrations of the Ming dynasty, which were imported by the royal court of Joseon dynasty and most likely had an impact on Joseon Buddhist art from the 15th and 16th centuries. Stylistic and iconographical features of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images indicate that the traditional aspects of Goryeo period and new iconography of Joseon period are rendered together, side by side, in these sculptures. The coexistence of old and new aspects in one set of images could indicate that monk sculptors tried to find a new way to produce Hwaeomsa images based on the old traditional style of Goryeo period when the original Tri-kaya Buddha images were made, although some new iconography popular in Joseon period was also employed in the images. It is also probable that monk sculptors of Hwaeomsa Tri-kaya Buddha images intended to reconstruct these images following the original images of Goryeo period, which was recollected by surviving monks at Hwaeomsa, who had witnessed the original Tri-kaya Buddha images.

A Study on the Palsapum (八賜品, Eight-Bestowed Things), Treasure No. 440, in Tong-Yong Shrine to the Loyal Dead in Korea (보물 제440호 통영 충렬사 팔사품(八賜品) 연구)

  • Jang, Kyung-hee
    • Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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    • no.46
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    • pp.195-237
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    • 2014
  • Palsapum are ornaments to reveal the purpose of commander of three naval forces as well as symbols to remember the greatness of admiral Yi, Sun-Shin. In 1966, ther were designated as a treasure No. 440 based on their value; however, they have not received attention from academia because they are relics from China. This study compares and analyzes the document, paintings, and relevant references from Korea and China focusing on Palsapum, understands their formal characteristics, and examines their historical value such as years and location of creation. As a result, the study determines five of them are original, but three of them were newly created by the later generations. The five, Dodogin (都督印, Commander's seal)·Yeongpae (令牌, Commander's tablet)·Gwido (鬼刀, Replica of the devil sword)·Chamdo (斬刀, Replica of the decapitation swor d)·and Gognapal (bugle) were created by Ming Dynasty before 1598, and delivered by the hands of General Chen Lin. The other three, Dokjeongi (督戰 旗, Battle flag)·Hongsoryeonggi (紅小令旗, Commander's flag)·and Namsoryeonggi (藍小令旗, Commander's flag), were created in 19th century by Joseon Dynasty. After analysis on the former relics, the study determines that they are not official relics with the dignity of Ming Dynasty but personal relics with regional characteristics; in other words, Palsamun are not the royal gifts from Emperor Shenzong to Admiral Yi, Sun-Shin. but personal momentoes left by General Chen Lin in the Tongjeyoung to celebrate the admiral. The names, variety, numbers, and appurtenances of Palsapum have been changed with time as follows. First, the scholars of Jeseon in 17the century only focused on Dodogin. It was certainly created in Ming Dynasty; however, it was a personal stamp, so considered to be not from the emperor but from General Chen Lin. Second, Palsapum was called Palsamul and consisted of 14 pieces of 8 kinds in 18the century, ; it is confirmed on the 「Dosul(圖說, stories with pictures of」 『Yi Chungmugong Literary Collection』 The sizes of five relics including Dodogin are similar to the records, but their patterns and shapes are exotic, or cannot be found in Joseon. Thus, they reflect the regional characteristics of Guangdong province. Third, they were called Palsapum, and consisted on 15 pieces of 8 kinds in 19th century; it is confirmed on , a sixteen-fold folding screen drawn by Shin, Gwan-Ho in 1861. The stamp box, tablet bag, and three flags were newly created to engrave Joseon style letters and patterns on damageable materials such as leather and cloth. The relics easy to be destroyed have been renewed even after 19th century. Last, there are many misunderstandings about Palsapum by governmental indifference and improper management of records even though they were designated as a treasure in very early times. Thus, authorities should be concerned with Palsapum to provide the measures for stable maintenance of the relics; this will let people remember not only the history of cooperation between Korea and China to stop the Japanese ambition, but also Admiral Yi, Sun-Shin and General Chen Lin to bring victory in Japanese invasions of Korea.

A Comparative Study on the Chemical Methods for the Determination of Available Phosphorus in Korean Soils (한국토양(韓國土壤)의 유효인산량(有效燐酸量) 검정(檢定)을 위한 화학적(化學的) 방법(方法)에 대한 연구(硏究))

  • Lim, Sun-Uk;Chung, Jong-Bae;Sa, Tong-Min
    • Applied Biological Chemistry
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    • v.29 no.1
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    • pp.62-72
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    • 1986
  • At present, the definition and chemical analysis method of available soil phosphorus for plants have not been standardized because of the complexity of crop and soil characteristics in Korea and many analysis methods have been suggested with different extraction conditions. Suitable analytical method of available soil P should be established by the trial of various methods based on crop nutrition and soil conditions. To establish the most suitable analysis method of available soiIP, a pot experiment with young maize was conducted over 44 different upland soils collected over the land of Korea. The amount of uptaken P by the plant was determined by ten different chemical methods for the available soil P. The results obtained were as follows: 1. Total phosphorus content in the sample soils ranged ranged $533{\sim}4917\;ppm$, and showed significant positive correlation with the content of organic matter. 2. The P content was relatively low in the acid sulfate soil and very high in the volcanic ash soil although both types of soil contained high level of orgic matter. 3. The amount of extractable P determined by ten different methods were varied more or less, and the ratios of the extractable P to the total soil P were in the range of $1{\sim}48%$. 4. The relative values to the amount of extractable soil P by different methods were in the order of $H_2O(5\;min.)\;1.0\;<\;H_2O(60min.)\;2.27\;<\;NH_4HCO_3\;5.57\;<\;NaHCO_3\;7.42\;<\;Double\;lactate\;9.71\;<\;Bray\;No.1\;12.53\;<\;Lancaster\;17.63\;<\;Nelson\;25.96\;<\;AcOH\;27.6\;<\;CAL-method\;50.27$ 5. The amount of extractable P determined by all of applied methods was very low in acid sulfate soil, volcanic ash soil and coarse textured soil. 6. Soil pH and total soil P generally showed significant positive correlation with the chemically extracted P, and soil organic matter was negatively correlated with the determined by Nelson-and CAL-method. Olsen method which showed significant correlation with exchangeable calcium seemed to be recommendable for calcareous soils. 7. Total amount of uptaken P by Young maize through continuos twice cropping was 4.05% of total soil P in average, and the uptake in the second cropping was twice as much as that of the first cropping. 8. Three determination methods, i.e. Soltanpour-, Double lactate and Bray No. 1-method seemed to be more suitable than Lancaster method which is widely practiced at present in Korea. However, further study should be carried out with other crops and soils to most adequate chemical method for determination of available soil P.

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