• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
• /
• v.131
• /
• pp.199-222
• /
• 2014

This essay aims at clarifying Dasan Jeong Yagyong's view on Jingfang's yaobian theory. As is well known, Jingfang was a scholar of the Earlier Han period who exerted a profound influence on the theoretical development of Xiangshu School by creating the various techniques for interpreting the Zhouyi. Jingfang is also important in relation with Dasan's commentary of the Zhouyi, because some part of Dasan's interpreting techniques are thought to have their origin in Jinfang. For example, Dasan used the bigua theory of which the origin could be traced back into Jingfang. However, in this article, I did not deal with the bigua theory because I am going to write another article about it. In stead, my focus will be put on analyzing how Dasan evaluated Jingfang's yaobian theory. The main issues of my argument can be summarized as following. Firstly, in terms of yaobian, Jeong Yagyong called attention to Jingfang's annotation on the Zhouyi in which Jingfang utilized the yaobian method in three occasions, i.e., the first nine of the Qian(乾初九), the sixth nine of the Guan(觀上九), and the sixth nine of the Bo(剝上九). It seems that Jeong Yagyong set forth enough evidence about Jingfang's use of yaobian at least in relation to two cases of the first nine of the Qian and the sixth nine of the Bo, while the other evidence of the sixth nine of the Guan was not so persuasive. However, even if it is evident that Jingfang made use of the yaobain in two cases, there is no reason to equate it with that of Dasan. If one takes a close look, it becomes clear that Jingfang's way of yaobain is very different from Dasan's. Secondly, Jeong Yagyong mentioned Jiayi(賈誼) who lived about one hundred years before Jingfang, as the person who utilized the yaobian in his book of Xinshu(新書). If it is certain that Jiayi was aware of the yaobian, we can assume that the yaobian technique had been handed down from Jiayi to Jingfang. The manuscript excavated from the Mawangdui tomb also increases the possibility that Jiayi could have had the knowledge on the yaobian. In the chapter of Muhe(繆和) of the Mawangdui Zhouyi, there appears the phrase, i.e., "the first six of the qian, qian goes to mingyi," which shows exactly the same form of the yaobian in the Mr Zuo's Spring and Autumn Annals(春秋左氏傳). The burial period of Mawangdui tomb is estimated at the same year of B.C.168 in which Jiayi died. Therefore, judging from that fact, it becomes evident that the yaobain method was widely diffused around B.C.168. Subsequently, it is possible to infer that the yaobian method had been handed down from the period of Jiayi to Jingfang. If we could present the persuasive evidence to support that inference, it would also have the effect of consolidating Dasan's argument about the yaobian.

• Korean Journal of Breeding Science
• /
• v.40 no.4
• /
• pp.474-478
• /
• 2008

A new covered barley variety, "Geungangbori" was developed from the cross between Milyang 55 which have lodging tolerance and easy brittleness and Suweon 260 with good quality by barley breeding team in the Yeongnam Agricultural Research Institute (YARI) in 2002. A promising line, YMB3855-3B-14-1-1-1, was selected in 1999. It was designated as the name of Milyang 110. It was prominent and had good result from regional adaptation yield trials (RAT) for three years from 2000 to 2002 and released as the name of "Geungangbori". Geungangbori is resistant to barley yellow mosaic virus and moderately resistant to powdery mildow. The average maturing date was same with Olbori on paddy field in regional adaptation yield trials for 2000-2002. Its culm length is 17 cm shorter than that of Olbori and the spike length is 4.4cm, it's longer than olbori. The 1,000 grain weight of Geungangbori was 34 g, same as Olbori, but the number of spikes per $m^2$ and test weight ware lower than those of Olbori. The yield potential of Geungangbori was 4.22 MT/ha on paddy in regional adaptation yield trials for 2000-2002. which was 7% higher than that of Olbori. The cooking quality of Geungangbori were similar to Olbori such as water absorption rate and expansion rate. But the crude protein content is lower than Olbori. This variety is suitable for double cropping system with rice in the southern part of the Korean Peninsula.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.52 no.1
• /
• pp.90-119
• /
• 2019

The purpose of this study is to investigate the significance of Buddhist stone art in the cultural zone of Mt. Bukhan. Mt. Bukhan witnessed the prevalence of Buddhist culture in and around it since the introduction of Korean Buddhism and served as the center of Buddhist culture in the nation, where new Buddhist temples continued to be built from the Three Kingdoms Period to the Joseon Period. Of the characteristics of its Buddhist culture, it is very noteworthy that the construction of military temples in and around it in the latter half of Joseon supported the function of Buddhist temples as basic places of worship. These military temples were closely related to the mountain's geopolitical location, traffic routes, and position in the national defense system-- its mountain fortress was an important defense facility. The stone art works of Mt. Bukhan can be categorized into various types, including stone stupas, stone pagodas, rock-carved Buddhas, stone Buddhas, towers and monuments (stone monuments), stone lanterns, flagpole supports, and rock-carved sarira pagodas. There are diverse types of stone art left on the mountain. As for its period characteristics, it is clear that the Buddhist art of Silla spread even to the Gyeonggi region, and that most of the works of stone art were created during the first half of Goryeo and the latter half of Joseon. Starting in Goryeo, the Buddhist temples of the mountain maintained close relations with the royal court by operating as the royal buddhist shrine for the royal family. In the latter part of Joseon, the construction of the Bukhan mountain fortress became the most important opportunity to produce stone art. As for the distribution of the stone artwork, it was usually created in the west part of the mountain from Unified Silla to the first half of Goryeo and in the southern and eastern parts of the mountain from the latter half of Goryeo to the latter half of Joseon. It is estimated that central Buddhist temples of the mountain changed due to Silla's military goal of advancing toward the west coast along the Han River in its early days and the construction of the Bukhan mountain fortress in the latter half of Joseon to protect the capital city. Finally, the stone art of Mt. Bukhan holds very high significance in art history because various types of stone art continued to be created on and around the mountain, the stone artwork of the mountain reflected representative styles for each period, and e rare and ofthe works produced on the mountain exemplified rare and unique styles.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
• /
• v.51 no.3
• /
• pp.104-121
• /
• 2018

The purpose of this paper is to contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the Buddhist art in Jeju which has rarely been in the mainstream discussions about the Korean art by focusing on the statues of Jabok Mireuk, or Maitreya of Wealth and Fortune. The Buddhist art in Jeju reached its heyday during the late phase of the Goryeo period (918-1392). The imperial court of Yuan (1271-1368) established Beophwasa, one of its guardian temples which was also a "complementary temple" of Goryeo (918-1392). In 1296, the community of monks based in Myoryeonsa Temple published the Jeju edition of the Buddhist canon granted by the royal court of Goryeo, contributing to the foundation of the island's academic culture. Other items representing the heyday of the Buddhist art of Jeju include the Vajra Guardian carved on the greenschist pagoda of Sujeongsa Temple built during the late Goryeo period and the Five-story Stone Pagoda of Bultapsa Temple made from the locally obtained basalt rock during the early $14^{th}$ century. The Buddhist art of Jeju during the Joseon period (1392-1910) is represented by Jabok Mireuk, or Maitreya of Wealth and Fortune, a pair of stone statues of Maitreya Buddha carved to feature three aspects of the Maitreya worship spread among the local folks in the period. Each of the statues is in a peaked cap and official's robe and characterized by bulging eyes comparable to those of the Buddhist guardian deities such as the Vajra guardian who were designed to protect a sacred area against evil forces. The Maitreya statues provide valuable sources of knowledge about the types of Maitreya adopted by the worshippers of local folk religion in the Joseon period. The Jabok Mireuk statues in Jeju can be easily compared with the Two Rock-carved Standing Buddhas in Yongmi-ri, Paju (1471), and the two standing stone Buddhas in Daeseongsa Temple in Okcheon (ca 1491) and on the Sipsinsa Temple site in Gwangju in that they all wear peaked caps in the "treasure canopy" style which gained popularity during the early Joseon period. One may conclude then that these statues are related with the Neo-Confucian elites who wanted the Joseon dynasty they established to prosper under the auspices of the Buddha of the Future. Interestingly, the enshrinement of the stone Buddha of Daeseongsa Temple is presumed to have been participated by Yuk Han who had served as the Governor (Moksa) of Jeju, suggesting its connection with the Jabok Mireuk despite the regional difference in their style.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
• /
• v.47 no.3
• /
• pp.81-92
• /
• 2019

This study was conducted to establish vegetation structure characteristics and vegetation management plan of the cultural landscape forests located around Unmun Temple in Cheongdo-gun and to provide the basic data needed to manage the cultural landscape forests. The landscape characteristics are analyzed in two perspectives including the landscape as viewed from inside and outside of Unmun Temple and eight landscape views are selected. Main views are Pinus densiflora forest and Abies holophylla forest around Unmun Temple. As a result of the survey of existing vegetation around Cheongdo-gun Unmun Temple, P. densiflora forests and P. densiflora-A. holophylla forests are widely distributed, occupying 79.2% of the forest. The plant community structure was classified into seven types according to the three topographic characteristics, flat forests, slope forests, and lower forests, Which were divided into a total of 30 survey plots and the average relative importance percentage was determined. The P. densiflora community on the flat are dominated by Carpinus tschonoskii in Under-canopy. The P. densiflora-A. holophylla community on the flat had a relatively high rate of domination in the shrubs. There were no competing species for the A. holophylla community on the plat. The large standard P. densiflora and the small standard P. densiflora were expected to be confined by P. serrulata var. pubescens and the Quercus variabilis on the slopes. The managed P. densiflora community had a relatively high rate of P. densiflora domination in the shrubs. The P. densiflora community on the lowland was dominated by Styrax japonicus and P. serrulata var. pubescens. The Shannon species diversity index was 0.2360 to 1.4088. The results of the correlation analysis with P. densiflora, A. holophylla and other species were P. densiflora had negative correlation with Acer mono, Corylus heterophylla var. heterophylla, Zelkova serrata and A. holophylla, and A. holophylla have negative correlation with S. japonicus and P. densiflora. Landscape characteristics and plant community structures are analyzed to propose management methods of maintaining and restoring The P. densiflora and A. holophylla cultural forest landscapes around Unmun Temple.

• Journal of Life Science
• /
• v.28 no.11
• /
• pp.1255-1261
• /
• 2018

Whole genome analysis have been made possible with the development of DNA sequencing technologies and discovery of many single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs). Large number of SNP can be analyzed with SNP chips, since SNPs of human as well as livestock genomes are available. Among the various missing nucleotide imputation programs, Minimac3 software is suggested to be highly accurate, with a simplified workflow and relatively fast. In the present study, we used Minimac3 program to perform genomic missing value substitution 1,226 animals 770K SNP chip and imputing missing SNPs with next generation sequencing data from 311 animals. The accuracy on each chromosome was about 94~96%, and individual sample accuracy was about 92~98%. After imputation of the genotypes, SNPs with R Square ($R^2$) values for three conditions were 0.4, 0.6, and 0.8 and the percentage of SNPs were 91%, 84%, and 70% respectively. The differences in the Minor Allele Frequency gave $R^2$ values corresponding to seven intervals (0, 0.025), (0.025, 0.05), (0.05, 0.1), (0.1, 0.2), (0.2, 0.3). (0.3, 0.4) and (0.4, 0.5) of 64~88%. The total analysis time was about 12 hr. In future SNP chip studies, as the size and complexity of the genomic datasets increase, we expect that genomic imputation using Minimac3 can improve the reliability of chip data for Hanwoo discrimination.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
• /
• no.24
• /
• pp.3-40
• /
• 2010

In recent time, archival science has been in charge of positively preserving and handling with valuable things, as well as managing established ones, However, even though several archival methodologies that manage contexts among tasks, organizations and subjects exist nowadays, there is a lack of theoretical methodology on archiving focusing on valuable things. In this sense, this article dealt with a theoretical methodology which carries out archiving valuable things and represents it based on the value of records. Also, this paper, which covers a methodology that carries out archiving and representing one focusing on the value of the one to preserve, is divided into three chapters: putting in, managing, and viewing. To begin with, in the chapter of purring in, the methodology of documentation based on a strategy to distinguish and represent the value of the valuable things were explained. In addition, the article tried to explain the definition of how the valuable things based on the value of it can be put in, and presented how to divide the one for representation into the objet and the activity so as to provide an effective approach. At the same time, as this paper took an approach to the value of the one, it proposed a way to be able to do archiving effectively by applying a representation unit which has its own value. Secondly, in the chapter of managing, representation class and metadata for managing with a representable structure was considered. Metadata categories were illustrated in order to present the class from individual records to final representation valuable things and to make representation with ease. Furthermore, in the chapter of viewing, the process of representation using theoretically archived records was explained. In fact, viewing is the descriptive domain in general, yet this paper focused on the conceptional part. As a consequence, in this paper, a series of process was considered, which starts from how the subject of representation was archived to managing it. Moreover, the process has a meaning by itself in that it gives a practical method to be applied. Finally, the paper suggested that the argumentation on representation be expanded in the field of archival science so as to present theoretical grounds in this sort of work.

• (The)Korea Educational Review
• /
• v.24 no.1
• /
• pp.227-254
• /
• 2018

This study examines differences in perception between applicants and admissions committee members regarding evaluation criteria for admission to career and technical high schools in Seoul. This investigation, based on "The survey on policy for career and technical high school admissions," seeks to explore and consider the various criteria for selecting and evaluating students. The target populations of the survey were the educators in charge of admission and freshmen in Seoul career and technical high schools. We report three major findings, with the first pertaining to the existing criteria and policies for admission to career and technical high schools. While educators agreed with the intent and reasoning behind the school's competitive spots, they were overall dissatisfied with the selection method and the lack of a requirement for academic transcripts. Matriculated students, in comparison, expressed greater satisfaction with the existing criteria for admission. Secondly, when assessing the importance of various evaluation components in an application, educators viewed the interview and attendance record as the most valuable components of the application, followed by future plans, personal statement, volunteer work, and portfolio, in order of decreasing importance. Students ranked attendance record, interview, personal statement, portfolio, future plans, and volunteer work as most to least important components of their application. Thus, students regarded the personal statement and portfolios as being of higher priority than did the educators. The last major finding pertained to students' rationale for applying and educators' selection criteria. At the time of application, students focused on aptitude and job prospects after graduation, while educators valued personality and competence. In summary, the applicants' viewpoints and actions aligned much more closely with the mission of the Seoul Metropolitan Office of Education than did those of the educators in charge of admission. Thus, in order to establish a consensus between the policy and mission of career and technical high schools, each career and technical high school should clarify the exact criteria for their ideal candidate. There is also a need to bridge the gap in perception between the applicants and educators regarding selection strategy, to establish a harmonized evaluation criteria. These goals are necessary to attract and recruit talented, bright individuals who will meet the demands of today's society.

• Journal of Ginseng Culture
• /
• v.1
• /
• pp.43-56
• /
• 2019

Korean ginseng (Panax ginseng) has been known as one of the representative special and healthful products originating from Korea for 4500 to 5000 years. The word of ginseng was first mentioned in JiJuZhang(急就章), written by ShiYou during the reign of King Yuah Di of the Chien Han Dynasty, China (33-48 BC). It has been known that wild Korean ginseng grows in Korean peninsula including Manchuria and the ginseng is found only between the $33^{rd}$ and $48^{th}$ parellels of north latitude. Since the times of three kingdom in Korea at 4-7 century, which is Kokuryo, Baekje and Shila, Korea has been the chief ginseng producing country. A large quantity of ginseng was exported from Korea to China for medicinal use at that times. That was written in SamGukSaGi(三國史記) by BuSik Kim of Koryeo Dynasty in Korea in 1145. The cultivation of Korean ginseng was also recorded in Bencaogangmu(本草綱目) written by LiShi Zen during the regin of the Ming Dynasty in 1596, China. The ginseng seedling, which was known as an original method invented by imitating the method of rice transplantation, appeared in the SeungJeongWon Ilgi(the diaries of the royal secretariat, 承政院日記), 1687 in the regin of King SukJong in Korea. It was suggesting that ginseng cultivation was firstly established in the early 1600s in Korea. On the other hand, red ginseng(written as 熟參) was reported firstly in GoRyeoDoGyeong(高麗圖經)(a record of personal experience in Korea, written in 1123) by SeoGung in Song Dynasty, China. The names of Pansam(written as 板蔘) and Pasam(written as 把蔘), which were the another types of red ginseng products, were came on in the JoSeon Dynasty Annals in 1552 and 1602, respectively. Although the term of red ginseng(Hongsam in Korean) was firstly appeared in the JoSeon Dynasty Annals in 1797, it is believed to have been developed a little earlier periods from the King Jungjong(1506~1545) to the King SeonJo(1567~1608) in Korea. Then, the Korean red ginseng has begun production on a large scale in SamJeong Department of NaeJangWon(內藏院 蔘政課) in the Korean Empire(大韓帝國) in 1899. More detailed records about red ginseng production method were written in the SohoDanag Miscellany(韶濩堂集) by Taekyoung Kim at 1916 year in Korea. On the while, the efficacy of ginseng was first recorded in Shennongbencaojing(神農本草經) written in China(BC 83-96) and the efficacy has been continuously inherited.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
• /
• v.38 no.4
• /
• pp.253-259
• /
• 2018

A new barley (Hordeum vulgare L.) cultivar 'Mihan' having ruminant-palatable semi-smooth awn and good silage quality was developed at National Institute of Crop Science(NICS), RDA in 2016. This cultivar was derived from a cross of the 'SB00T2064' and 'Suwon385' in 2001. And its promising line showed high yielding through the preliminary yield trials(PYT) and advanced yield trials (AYT) in Iksan from 2012 to 2013. It was designated as the 'Iksan487'. 'Iksan487' was conducted to regional yield trials (RYT) in one upland field and five paddy fields around Korea for three years from 2014 to 2016. And it was released as the name of 'Mihan'. It has growth habit of IV, erect plant type, green leaf and semi-smooth awn. Its heading date was April 23 in the paddy field and maturing date was May 24. Plant height of 'Mihan' was 96cm. Mihan's spikes per $m^2$ was 665. It has better winter hardiness and resistance to BaYMV (Barley Yellow Mosaic Virus) than that of barley cultivar 'Youngyang'. The average dry matter of 'Mihan' was about $10.9ton\;ha^{-1}$ in paddy field. And average feed quality of 'Mihan' was 10.3% of crude protein content, 26.1% of ADF (Acid Detergent Fiber), 46.9 % of NDF (Neutral Detergent Fiber) and 68.2% of TDN (Total Digestible Nutrients). 'Mihan' had grade I of silage quality. This cultivar would be suitable for the area above the daily minimum average temperature of $-8^{\circ}C$ in January in Korean peninsula.