• Journal of architectural history
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• v.17 no.4
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• pp.129-152
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• 2008

Early Buddhist rock cave temples of India, in spite of being an origin of Buddhist temples, has little been studied in Korea. After field studies and an interpretation of their forms in conjunction with religious life, precedent theories are supplemented and refuted as follows. Starting from the 2nd century B,C., Buddhist ascetic disciples digged residential rock caves, called vihara, for protection from monsoon rain and hot weather, A typical arrangement was settled -a courtyard type, with 3 side rows of tiny one-person bedroom and a front veranda with columns. Also digged were Chaitya caves, in line with viharas, to worship, which is the tumulus of Buddha's relics. I suggest that the original type of chaitya a simple circle cave with a stupa, suitable for circumambulating ceremonies. I refute the existing theory presenting Barabar caves of Ajivika as a chaitya origin, featuring empty circular room without a stupa. I also interpret a typical apsidal plan as being a simple result of adding a place of worshipping rites in front of the stupa. Enclosing columns around a cylindrical stupa is a result of reinforcing both the divine space and circumambulating ceremonies, with elongation toward hall. Finally the chaitya came to have a grandeur apsidal plan with high vault ceiling nave and a side aisle as in Western cathedrals with large frontal horseshoe arch windows. The Buddha image, which had become a new worshipping object, was integrated into the stupa and interior surface. First the stupa and then the statue was introduced to residential Viharas. Therefore, I suggest that the vihara should be renamed as 'chaitya' as a worshipping place, by establishing statue rooms without bedrooms at all. The functionally changed vihara is similar in form to a 'rectangular type of chaitya', little known and developed in different routes. A columned inner courtyard gradually becama an offering place, like Hindu mandapa, Buddhist caves ware changed to a kind of Tantric and Hindu temple by means of statue worshipping offering rituals.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.1 no.1 s.1
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• pp.68-87
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• 1992

This study is the conditions of location according to formed the times in the clan village. The results of this study are as follows ; 1. in the 15th century, the characterestics of the village established residencial place where mountain stream flowed surrounded by the mountain and deep in the mountains with superior quality land. That's because Sa-dae-bu put equal importance on beautiful scenery and practical benefit for living. Stream House provided economical foundation for Sa-dae-bu to be able to keep confucial manners by putting limit their economic status to small medium sized land owner. Topographical condition such as valley or hollow separated from the exterior maintained unification of consanguineous village in self sufficient farming society and held on to independent territory against external to be able to stay away from turbulent days so that they formed residential area of Sa-dae-bu clan. And the valley where flowed clean water was considered as the connection of continuous place where distinctiveness of form in each curve and and factor of calm and dynamic scenery of the clean stream. Scholars in the middle of Chosun Dynasty located in the utopia as place for confucious retirement to study, a place for refinement by combination with the nature or as a way of spacial practice based on Confucious view of nature. 2. in the 16th-l7th century, Most of existing consanguineous villages adopt deep in the mountains for refuge. at that place, upward rank was established by settlement of the ancestor who entered in the village first, the principal was placed in the center of the village and since descendants became numerous, it was serialized as the space of descendants. So, it was arranged in the order of social rank. Most of the villages showed development step by step started from precaution by apperance of the mountain to the lower part. It's because the topography of valley around the village worked as the natural hedge against external force and genealogy of the clan, regularity of social status, order of entrance into the village were reflected into residencial destribution. Also, order of the rank coincided with the one of aspects on geomancy. Genealogical rank within the village represented spacial rank. Houses of descendants and branch families were placed lower than the principal which showed worship to the principal. 3. In 18th century after, as the village was settled nearby cultivated land considering economical loss caused by long distance between residencial area and cultivated land, direction of sect followed by development of village expanded from the front part of the village to the rear part. The principal that was poped out to the front presented frontage over exterior. Therefore, residencial area of branch families expanded to the rear starting from the principal. This represented a slice of social structure at that time. after 18th century, spirit was percieved superior over material, After then, development of cultivation and expantion of land created difference of economic strength within one village. In order to maintain and show off the status of Yang-ban, economic power of indigenous land owner became fundamental, so, sense to worship and to keep the principal became weak eventually. Taking advantage of that situation, residencial area of branch family expanded to the rear part of the principal which showed dual disposition conflicted with each other. However, these clan rules were destroyed and new rules were created after 18th century because of the situation and consciousness at that time.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.44
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• pp.53-96
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• 2023

This article apprehends Yeongdae (靈臺), the most sacred shrine of Daesoon Jinrihoe which has earlier historical precedents, as an example of material religion. In East Asia, the first Yeongdae was a structure that King Wen of Zhou commissioned to be built. As the time passed by, the meaning of Yeongdae was changed to signify a mental yeongdae, the object and the aim of cultivation, and the notional mindset that appears in the Daoist meditation, Cunsi (存思, visualization). This implies that Yeongdae has signified both material and non-material objects. Throughout most of history, these two concepts had never been related to each other, but shifted in form and meaning depending on context. Daesoon Jinrihoe, which emerged in the modern era of Korea, used the concept of investiture of gods and combined the two into one. Accordingly, the Yeongdae, referred to by King Wen to indicate his shrine, was expressed as a spot wherein the gods were enshrined on the earth. As an innovation, Daesoon Jinrihoe argued that gods correspond to properly eligible human beings according to the degree of their cultivation and that sacred space was instead defined a spot within the human mind, a mental yeongdae, where the gods could be enshrined into humanity (神封於人). From the perspective of Lévi-Strauss, the factors that are discovered in the tradition of East Asia, namely, the Yeongdae of King Wen and the mental yeongdae of Zhuangzi can combined with consistency and established in the doctrinal system of Daesoon Jinrihoe. Such an attempt refers to bricolage which re-creates the traditional concepts of the past. In this regard, the concept of invented tradition coined by Eric Hobsbawm could also be used to conclude that the Yeongdae (the shrine of gods) of Daesoon Jinrihoe can be expressed as an invented Yeongdae, which transcends the existing categories of material yeongdae and non-material yeongdae.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.29
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• pp.179-202
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• 2010

In addition to the emphasis on filial piety ethics in everyday life, filial piety obtained a further significance in Confucianism which had the strong sense of ancestor worship. This paper focuses on filial piety as a mechanism of continuity within Confucianism and points out that it owed its development to its connection to agricultural culture. The sedentary life with less mobility forged a relative intimacy among people and filial piety was the actual expression of that kind of intimate affection. Yet, filial piety in Confucianism created a unique culture in terms that it not only stipulated material and emotional support for parents but also expected one's piety to the further ancestors through a memorial service and made its connection to the infinite posterity through sons. From the perspective of Confucianism that established filial piety at the turning point from life to death, the self existing in present was not an isolated self anymore. Yet, one can see another characteristic of Confucianism from that filial piety, based on blood bonds, could move beyond paternalism to broaden itself. It could be expanded to the care for strangers. The aged experience and wisdom through agricultural life begot the insight that the nature made its infinite connections with everything through circulation. As a stone thrown in a pond would enlarge its boundary by drawing larger and larger concentric circles, this thought enabled people to enlarge their affection to their parents to universal humanity. In this enlarged network, though it was natural to make distinctions between the closer and the farther, Confucianism sought to overcome it by establishing oneself upright. Confucianism emphasized the moral cultivation with its filial piety concept that contained the diachronic thought penetrating life and death and the broadened perspective relating everything around. In Confucianism, filial piety provided an important medium in forming a moral subject that penetrated life and death and related self and others. Inherent in it is the Confucius thought of continuity that searched for a paragon of a moral human being regardless of time and space.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.31 no.1
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• pp.28-37
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• 2013

As a symbolic landscape of Seoul, Namsan has undergone not only physical changes but also changes in its human use and characteristics. At this point, research on Namsan, which holds diverse stories that have accumulated over a long period, as a cultural landscape is necessary. In particular, a concrete understanding of the characteristics of the mountain's use in the period of its initiation as a modern park is an important task in research on the history of urban parks. Consequently, the purpose of the present study lies in grasping the use of Namsan at the time of the establishment of Kyongsungbu Namsan Park Design Proposal in 1917 and examining the characteristics per space. The research process was based on the status of the park design plan. The primary source of information came from the analysis of historical newspaper articles. Additional materials including documents, old maps, photographs, postcard materials were also used. The period of the study was 1883 to 1917. This time was the initial period of Namsan Park soon after the opening up of Korea's ports to the world. The major spaces in which Namsan was used as a park encompassed Hanyang Park, Waeseongdae Park, Noin-jeong, Jangchung-dan, and remaining parts of Namsan in a natural state. When the main ways in which each space is used are examined based on the data analyzed, Namsan has been used for purposes including public events, accidents, religious worship, track and field days, field trips, and strolls. When the nature of each of the spaces is determined in terms of the characteristics of their use, these spaces were characterized as community parks, outdoor community spaces, indoor community spaces, sports arenas, and natural parks, among other things. The present study is significant in terms of research on the history of parks for confirming that Namsan in the initial period already served as a modern park for urban activities and grasping the specific urban activities that were engaged in on Namsan.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.3
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• pp.11-24
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• 2020

The purpose of this study was to re-examine the neglected and forgotten Cheongdo Geoyeonjeong, to correct the wrong contents, examine the changes and conditions of the garden, and to establish basic data on the components of the forest in the future. In addition, it was extended to the Gongampungbyeog Cliff, the influence area of the Geoyeonjeongwonlim, and the results of the study were as follows; First, Based on the recitation of "Seonyu pungryu(仙遊風流)" in the "Cheongsuheon-yugo(聽水軒遺稿),", Dongchangcheon Stream and Gongampungbyeog(孔巖楓壁) were influenced by the outer gardens of the Georyeonjeongwonrim. Second, Small pavilion was built and arranged under the rock of Byeongam(Byeongpungbawi) in the management history of Geoyeonjeong Pavilion. The records show that Cheongsuheon used the Geoyeonjeong Pavilion as the original forest and even recognized Oewon, which is a scenic influence, as the Gongampungbyeog Cliff. Third, Many of the poems related to Gongam were recognized as Seunggyeong, which represents the Unmun area, and the eight scenery of Cheongdo and Unmungugok were established here as proof that Gongampungbyeog Cliff was very faithful to the traditional Seunggyeong aspect of Gongampungbyeog Cliff, and the crystalline structure of the location was implied as an external source of Geoyeonjeongwonlim. Fourth, The lower part of Dongchangcheon Stream, which stretches from Geoyeonjeongwonrim to Gongam, is filled with attractions consisting of cancerous areas such as Punghodae, Moseongam, Buangdae, Gokcheondae, Saganjeong, Hakgadae, and Hyeongjeam, which provide a clearer picture of the space and landscape of the Geyeonjeongwonrim Outer Garden. Fifth, The expression "dragging water, spilling it into the courtyard, and sending it back to the downtown of the field" of the Cheongsuheon-yugo suggests that the site of Geoyeonjeong Pavilion was originally a prevention. It is also inferred that Cheng Shu-heon also wanted to respect runners and pursue natural views like runners. Sixth, The record of planting a description of spring water and willow trees in "Geoyeonjeong Manyeong(居然亭晩影)」" and "Sanggukseol(霜菊說)」" suggests that the chrysanthemum was planted and planted, and that the chrysanthemum was used to describe the Osanggojeol(傲霜孤節), which means that he would not yield and keep his incision alone despite severe frost. Seventh, It is believed that the writing was written by Cheongsuheon in 1844 during the period of the creation of the Wonrim. The rock letters on the floor of Geoyeonjeong suggest the names of the receiving and the winning prizes. Most of the passages are based on nuclear power plants, including Muidogyo of the Zhuzi, and most of them incorporate the virtues of the Gunja and the natural views of the Eunja. In addition, the rock writing 'Gyeong(敬)' or 'Uidang(義堂)' is a substitute for special worship objects or introspection, adding to the significance and scenic properties of the Georyeon Garden Forest.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.35
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• pp.43-71
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• 2012

Rural Neo-Confucian Literati were major governing elite in Joseon Dynasty. They were small and medium-sized landowners all over the country and elite having Confucian knowledge. They formed villages of the same family name and exerted their influence on the community showing off their successful ancestors. Therefore, there were lots of examples that they took the actual leadership in local communities. In this sense, the Hwacheon-gun pa family line of the Andong Kweon clan were the representative rural neo-Confucian literati of Hwang-gang and Shindong areas in Jecheon. This group was formed after Kweon Sangha and his brothers' movement in 1675. Kweon was the best pupil of Song Siyeol, a prominent scholar and man of power. Although facing away the government examination, he was respected as sallim, rustic literati, on account of his teaching and writing activities and later called to High State Councillor. After his death, memorial halls and facilities to worship him, including Hwang-gang Sowon Academy, were built in the place he taught students. These facilities contributed to his descendants' acquiring his life values. They also made a contribution to the settlement of reject-heterodoxy sentiments based on their loyalty to the Myeong Dynasty in the area. Kweon Seop, Kweon Sangha's nephew, also played an important role in Hwacheon-gun pa family line's growing as rural neo-Confucian literati in Jecheon area. He built memorial halls to enshrine Kweon Sangha and made rules to develop his family line. In addition, he extended their living space over Hwang-gang area and each place had the shrine to hold a memorial service for their ancestors. As a result, Kweon Sangha and Kweon Seop's family wielded power in Jecheon for hundreds years as the same family name group. Rural neo-Confucian literati didn't produce more elite government officials than the groups in the capital, but their growth enabled cultural development of the local community and the Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.2
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• pp.35-45
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• 2023

First, The spatial distribution characteristics of old big trees were analyzed using ArcGIS figures by combining basic information such as species and ages of old big trees in Handan City, which were compiled by the local bureau of landscaping. The types of species, distribution by ages of trees, ownership status, growth status, and diversity status were comprehensively analyzed. Statistically, Styphnolobium, Acacia, Gleditsia, and Albizia of Fabaceae accounted for the majority, of which Sophora japonica accounted for the highest proportion. Sophora japonica is widely and intensively distributed to each prefecture and district in Handan city. According to the age and distribution, the old big trees over 1000 years old were mainly Sophora japonica, Zelkova serrata, Juniperus chinensis, Morus australis Koidz., Dalbergia hupeana Hance, Ceratonia siliqua L., and Pistacia chinensis, and Platycladus orientalis. Second, as found in each type of old big tree status, various types of old big tree status were investigated, the protection management system, protection management process, and protection management benefits were studied, and the protection of old big tree was closely related to the growth environment. Currently, the main driving force behind the protection of old big trees is the worship of old big trees. By depositing its sacredness to the old big tree and sublimating the natural character that nature gave to the old big tree into a guiding consciousness of social activities, nature's "beauty" and personality's "goodness" are well combined. The protection state of the old big tree is closely related to the degree of interaction with the surrounding environment and the participation of various cultures and subjects. In the process of continuously interacting with the surrounding environment during the long-term growth of old big trees, it seems that a natural sanctuary was formed around old big trees in the process of voluntarily establishing a "natural-cultural-scape" system involving bottom-up and top-down cross-regions, multicultural and multi-subjects. Third, China focused on protecting and recovering old big trees, but the protection management system is poor due to a lack of comprehensive consideration of historical and cultural values, plant diversity significance, and social values of old big trees in the management process. Three indicators of space's regional characteristics, property and protection characteristics, and value characteristics can be found in the evaluation of the natural characteristics of old giant trees, which are highly valuable in terms of traditional consciousness management, resource protection practice, faith system construction, and realization of life community values. A systematic management system should be supported as to whether they can be protected and developed for a long time. Fourth, as the perception of protected areas is not yet mature in China, "natural sanctuary" should be treated as an important research content in the process of establishing a nature reserve system. The form of natural sanctuary management, which focuses on bottom-up community participation, is a strong supplement to the current type of top-down nature reserve management in China. Based on this, the protection of old giant trees should be included in the form of a nature reserve called a natural monument in the nature reserve system. In addition, residents of the area around the nature reserve should be one of the main agents of biodiversity conservation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.60-79
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• 2012

Environment of ancient Chinese Buddhist temple can be classified to three types such as regional society(鄕村), famous mountain(名山), and urban areas(都市). This made differences in environment where a temple existed and in turn, affected development of Buddhism. And this made another type in relationship between Buddhist temple and a society. This study explains influences which regional society gave on not only Buddhist temple and a monk but also existence and development of Buddhism. When temples are placed in different environmental position, that is, urban areas and regional society, among a social structure, they eventually should adapt to a different society externally and internally. As told in above, ancient Chinese Buddhist temple was located in regional society, famous mountain, and urban areas. Since Eastern Jin and Sixteen Kingdoms, as number of temple much increased, and temples and monks were concentrated on famous mountain, temples in famous mountains and urban areas had developed showing similar aspects each other. But because temples in regional society were influenced a little differently, this study focused on the point. There are four kinds of influences between temples and monks in regional areas. Monks in regional areas had a comparatively close relationship with a society because they came from same area or surrounding areas. Therefore,powers of regional areas restrict influences made by monk group in temple. Second, temples in regional areas shared their joys and sorrows depending on regional economy. Temples in regional areas became a public place for the society and often a market place. In fact, construction and existence of a temple originally became a driving force in regional economy. This is because construction of temple needs artisans and materials and some temples had visitors and included market economy like consumption of incense and candles, though the economic size was large or small. And when regional areas experienced natural disaster or man-made disaster or had poor harvest or economy was in depression, monks left temples and then, temples themselves could not exist. Third, the relationship between temples in regional areas and Buddhists was distinguished from the temples in urban areas and famous mountains. This is because temples in China were places where monks practiced and at the same time, places where general Buddhists worshipped. So there were always a number of Buddhists around the temples. Forth, Buddhism in resional areas was connected to regional Folk beliefs. As a result, Buddhism was spread across the nation, worship with local color often was changed to Buddhist belief or was tinged with Buddhism. While temples in regional areas maintained a close relationship with regional society.they were influenced by the region or gave influences. As a representative example, temples in regional areas showed model behaviors instead of roles of facilities related to various cultures with comparatively advanced level - for example, school, hospital etc. The temples highly affected funerary rites in regional areas. Chinese tombs were mainlymade in regional areas. After death,people living in urban areas were buried in hometown or at least, they were buried in suburbs not urban areas. Temples in regional areas generally participated in funerary rites. Above shows that though most of famous Buddhist temples were located in urban areas not in famous mountains,majority of temples were located in vast regional areas. Through mutual interaction between temples and regional society, the temples in the regional areas were related to Chinese people of over 90% and regional areas became the most important foundation for Buddhism in China. Mutual influences between temples in regional areas and the general public in regions were omnidirectional and spreaded to every aspects of social life in small or large degree. Thus Tombs in temple were widely spreaded across regional areas over time and space. This is enough to explain a close relationship between Buddhist temples and rural society in ancient China.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.