• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.30 no.6
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• pp.103-114
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• 2012

This paper aims to investigate changes in Korean family structures by reflecting on the perception of traditional family rites and family systems. In-depth interviews were conducted with 17 married middle-aged men (9) and women (8) who had at least one child. Findings were as follows: First, both married middle aged men and women internalized Confucianism. They thought that the head of household, who was male as far as possible, was needed for the formation of a normal family. In addition, both of married middle-aged men and women recognized married women as outsiders based on Chul-ga-we-in-sa-sang. And they put parents-children relationships ahead of couple relationships and supported Jang-ja-woo-dae-sang-sok (privileging the eldest son over the other children in terms of the distribution of family resources and inheritance based on Confucianism). However, there were some differences to support the use of Hang-ryul-ja, which is based on expressing the character of generation by sharing the first name, and the importance of Jok-bo. which is based on traditional family genealogical records. Second, even though women internalized Confucianism, they did not attach traditional meanings to memorial services for ancestors to the extent that men did and defined family members as a procreation family boundaries unlike men, who defined family boundary as original family members and procreation family members. In conclusion, even though family laws and culture have evolved from the patrilineal family system to one which promotes gender equality, married men and women internalize Confucianism. Instead, some transformations are evident from the perspective of females in terms of memorial services for ancestors and family boundaries.

• Korean Journal of Hospice Care
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.42-49
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• 2005

To determine which are the culturally specific factors of Korean bereavement, this chapter focuses on the view of death and the traditional mourning process which reflect Korean values and norms. The formation of the Korean view and understanding of death has been strongly influenced by three of its major traditional religions: Shamanism, Buddhism, and Confucianism (Park:1994: Hao:1999) and Christianity more recently. Each religion has a different view of death and the appropriate expression of mourning. Korea accommodates funeral customs and rules strictly as a cultural system and has retained these traditions over a long period; hence, some of the traditional funeral rituals still remain in modern Korean life, although some of the rites have been simplified. We have looked at the various ways in which grief and mourning is displayed and shared in a collective manner over a long period of time. This fits in well within the other Eastern cultures that are collectively organized, and contrary to the Eurocentric models do not hastily seek to detach the living from the dead and recognize that grief is a long process, and different individuals may take different amounts of time to recover from the grief. The view of death and bereavement in Korea has sprung from the roots of three Korean religions, together with the recent addition of Christianity, although they mainly result from the three earlier religions. The beliefs of these religions are still closely linked together in the rituals of Korean bereavement on both conscious and unconscious levels. The influence of these religions is evident in practice through the bereaved family's mourning reactions, funeral rites and customs and its views about death. Korea used to have a period of mourning for three years, following traditional mourning rites; then the chief mourner and the bereaved families could return to their normal life. In spite of this long mourning process for the bereaved family, once the funeral ceremony is finished, people expect the bereaved family not to express their grief in public; even the bereaved family does not like to talk about death. The process for bereaved people is related to mourning processes in terms of detachment from the deceased in order to start a new life. Relatives and the community recommend the performance of the kut ceremony for relieving the grief of the bereaved. When one family member dies in an unlucky way, the bereaved family may have some fear or other psychological reactions of grief such as pain, depression, insomnia and nightmares, hallucinations or other physical reactions. Unlucky deaths give the bereaved a very painful time and these types of reactions are often more serious than reactions to natural death. But through the kut ceremony, the bereaved family can start to make a new relationship with the deceased. The taboo of this type of death and death generally remains a crucial aspect of the isolation that bereaved people might face and the collective nature of mourning(even where it is still present) is unable to address this aspect of the privatization of grief.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.29 no.6
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• pp.488-498
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• 2014

The research aimed to provide accurate and basic data comparing different perceptions of head family's food and food for religious ceremonies depending on age with the goal of sustaining traditional Korean food in the future. The gender distribution of the participants was 274 Males (42.5%) and 370 Females (57.5%). Age distribution was 211 participants (32.7%) in their 20s, 215 participants (33.3%) in their 30 to 40s, and 220 participants (34%) in their 50 to 60s. The older generation appeared to beaware of the definition of head family or 'The eldest's house of head family' as well as the concept of one's family five generations ago with more reductive and emphasis than imaginary concept of head family of the younger generation. The image of the head family was perceived as 'head family's food' in younger generations and as 'eldest son' in older generations. Family role and meaning most often manifested as 'succession of tradition' and 'cultural symbols' in younger generations, respectively, whereas older generations responded 'hallmark of the head family'. Family ancestral rites and head family's food had positive effects on awareness of head family's food. Moreover, those with experience in practicing family ancestral rites responded that head family's food should be more popular. People who viewed family's food more positively were more open with the idea thathead family's food could go mainstream. In conclusion, positive perception of head family's food and traditional pride are crucial environmental factors in public support of popularizing head family's food to the public.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• v.24 no.6
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• pp.801-810
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• 2008

The principal objective of this study was to assess Korea's traditional ritual food culture, and to compare two types of ancestral rites the Hyang-Sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites which were held in the Daegu and Andong regions of Korea. In this study, we describe the performance of the Bool-cheon-wi rites held by two head families located near the Andong area namely, the head family of Seoae Ryu Seong-Ryong(1542-1607)(Seoae) who was well-respected for his writings and personality, and the head family of Dangye Ha Wee-Ji(1412-1456)(Dangye) who was well-known and famous as one of the members of the Sa-ryuk-sin. This research was conducted via diredt engagement in these memorial services and several interviews with the families. The results were summarized as follows; Foods used in the Hyang-sa rites including Mae(bap), Kook, Jaban(Jogee), Po(dried fish), Juck, boiled and seasoned vegetables, fruits, confections, and liquor. Jobap and Ssalbap were used as Mae at SD(Seo Dalsung), and PMPH(Pahoi Myogul Habin Park) used Jo, Hyunmy, Pi and Susu in the raw. The dishes on the table were arranged as follows. A wine cup was placed in the first row, Po(a dried pollack), and jujube and nuts in the second row, Ryukpo(slices of dried beef), Sangeogogi were set at the third row, and Soegogi, pork, Mu, and Minary were placed in the fourth row, and the head of the pig was placed in the center of the table at SD. A wine cup, Soegogi, and pork were positioned in the first row, Mu, Minary, Pi and Susu were placed in the second row, and Jogee, Jo, and Hyunmy were placed in the third row at PMPH. The sacrificial foods offered for Bool-cheon-wi rites were as follows; Mae(bap) Kook noodle Jogee Tang(stew) Po Juck Tucks boiled, seasoned and salted vegetables Jeon fruit confectioneries liquor(chungju). The head family of Seoae Yu Seong-Ryong utilized 5 types of Tang(meat stew, fish stew, chicken stew, vegetable stew, seafood stew), whereas the head family of Dangye Ha Wee-Ji utilized 3 kinds of Tang(meat stew, fish stew, vegetable stew). As a basic Tuck, Shi-roo-tuck(a steamed rice cake), piled up to 25 layers, was primarily utilized. In particular, Jung-Gae(Seoae's favorite food) was placed on the table. For grilled-meat food(Juck), Yu's family used raw meat and Ha's family the half-cooked meat. The main types of Jucks used were meat-Juck, fish-Juck, chicken-Juck, and these were not served one by one. Hyang-sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites have an the educational function, in that they allow for the carrying out of filial duties by a heartfelt performance of performing the ceremony, by taking great care from the pre-rite preparations to the post-rite period. In addition, these rites have various meanings, as events that strengthen the ties of blood relations of ancestors and themselves, and to promote and harmonize family friendships, they may also have religious meaning in the culture, as prayers are offered that all the family's descendants may be blessed, live long and enjoy abundance whlie respecting their ancestors. As for the role of Hyang-sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites in today's nuclear family society, it can be said that these rites remain especially important as a method to strengthen community consciousness by fostering an understanding of the meaning of existence itself, and thus inspiring the roots of consciousness.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.30 no.1
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• pp.8-19
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• 2015

"Sujeonggwa" is a traditional korean beverage made from dried persimmon, cinnamon, and ginger and is often garnished with pine nuts. The purpose of this study was to investigate changes in the ingredients, recipes, and processing of "sujeonggwa" in Korean cookbooks published since 1400. The name sujeonggwa is derived from jeonggwa. In the early 1600s, sujeonggwa was used in ancestral rites and as a reception beverage, although we don't know its cooking method. According to the literature of the early 1800s, sujeonggwa was made from various fruit ingredients such as pear and yuzu. But since the late 1800s, it has been mostly made from dried persimmon based on ginger and cinnamon boiled with water. Garyeon-sujeonggwa is made with lotus leaf while japkwa-sujeonggwa is made with pear and yuzu. Japkwa-sujeonggwa is similar to hwachae in terms of ingredients and cooking method.

• Journal of the Architectural Institute of Korea Planning & Design
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• v.34 no.1
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• pp.53-62
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• 2018

Bulcheonwi is determined by various ways. The first is certified by the state. Kings granted posthumous names to figures such as meritorious retainers, figures whose mortuary tablets were put into Jongmyo Shrine, and venerated figures with erudition and virtue whose mortuary tablets were put into Munmyo (Korean primary Confucian shrine The purpose of this study is to understand the spatial perception of Main head families (大宗家) and Sub head families (小宗家) have been divided for several centuries. This study was conducted under the assumption that it was possible to understand the mutual influence and relationship between perception and space by examining how methods for ritual ceremonies held in Main head families were conducted in different spaces of Sub head families or the process of ritual ceremonies changed with space. Bulcheonwi rites was performed by each family's own concepts of spaces such as Jeongchim or Cheongsa For actual ritual space, An-chae, Sarang-Chae and Byeoldang was utilized. This shows that one family's conception and utilization of each space was correspondent also different family s had their own idea of utilizing different spaces. In addition depends on the family in this study, there was differences on positon of Sa-dang upon the regions or time of construction. This can be concluded as familes had their own accommodations depends on building's space layout and traditons rather than following traditional Rites book's the rules of decorum.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.21-30
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• 2016

This study examines ways of housing usage and aspects of resident's life based on the representative traditional house "UNJORU" as time passed. In other words, it explains how the traditional life has changed. these days compared to late Joseon dynasty. It also explains how the meaning of the place changed by life style change and the aspect have changed in women's perspective. This is for restoring the time period that the life dairy was recorded later time period. We can trust Mrs. Lee who is the eldest resident of them at the present in UNJORU. The method of study proceeded by interview format. It is classified a meal place and a folk-beliefs the daily life the funeral rites non-daily life, such as in this process, was conducted to understand the consciousness and life form at the time of residents. As a result, Ryu's family life style has preferred a more modern life style than traditional life style by time as well as society changes. Through this research, It was possible to analyze how the external formality of traditional house has kept but internal formality has changed over time.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.61 no.5
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• pp.123-138
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• 2011

This study examined how Chipogwan[緇布冠] with such a long history has been changed in China and Korea. With regard to the name, material, use and form of Chipogwan, the results of this study is summarized as follows. Chipogwan was mentioned continuously in ancient books of ceremonies and literature from the Tang dynasty [唐代], but from the Song dynasty [宋代] new name Chigwan [緇冠: a black hat] appeared besides Chipogwan. The two names were transmitted to Joseon dynasty [朝鮮] and used together until the mid Joseon dynasty, but from the 18th-19th centuries, Chipogwan was adopted according to ancient ceremonies and this name has been used continuously until today. The change of the name reflects the change of the material. Ancient Chipogwan was made of hemp [布] but when the term Chigwan appeared in the Song dynasty it was made of paper and Sa [紗: a 2-end simple gauze]. As other materials were added to hemp, po (布) was omitted from Chipogwan. As to the use of Chipogwan, it was a coronet used in purification ceremonies [齋冠] in ancient times. Then, it was used as Chogagwan [初加冠: a first hat putting on] in coming-of-age ceremonies [冠禮] from Zhou dynasty (周). During the Song and Joseon dynasty, Chipogwan was used in coming-of-age ceremonies as well as in daily life. As to the form, Chipogwan in ancient books of rites and the Song dynasty was a small coronet covering the topknot. In the Joseon dynasty, the form of Song dynasty was followed until the mid period, and then after the mid $18^{th}$ century, another form was proposed according ancient books of rites and an independent form of ceremonial coronet appeared that covered the entire head rather than covering only the topknot.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.70
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• pp.435-466
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• 2018

"Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.35
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• pp.284-303
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• 2002

The purpose of this research paper is to examine, from an ethnological viewpoint, the traditional practice of using sacrificial game and domestic livestock as is often seen at communal rites in Korea. This paper also examine how the more convenient use of livestock sacrifice developed from that in which wild game were once offered, and how this change in the type of animals used affected the significance of the sacrifice. It also looks at how the use of animal sacrifice for ceremonies eventually influenced the practice of meat consumption on the part of the participants in their daily life, and how it contributed to the eventual establishment and development of livestock breeding for the purpose of meat consumption. The practice of catching wild game in the mountains for sacrificial purposes eventually gave way to the use of pasturage cattle, but it should be understood that these domesticated livestock were raised primarily for ceremonial rather than meat consumption purpose. When used for sacrifice, these cattle were not castrated, as is normally done when they are slaughtered for meat consumption, but it should not be assumed that this was done for purposes of simplification. In addition, not only rice farmers but also when enterpreneurs set up a new enterprise, animal sacrifice was viewed not only as a form of on-site purification of evil, but also served the dual purpose of enhancing their business through the traditional custom of serving meat to those invited guests in attendance. In the large-scale village communal rite of Hwaghae Province located in the northwestern part of Korea, animal sacrifice was carried out in the ritual for the Mountain God in a highly dramatic style, and suggests that it originated with the agrarian rites of the "fire-field" farmers of East Asia, which were utilized to foretell whether the coming year would be one of abundance or famine, and to the royal ceremony held on the 3rd day of the 3rd month of the lunar calendar, as well as that held for the God of the Mountains and Streams. The dramatic-style hunting rite, included in the large-scale communal ritual of Hwanghae Province mentioned previously, as well as in the Ritual of the Cow from Pyungsan, also located in Hwanghae Province, in which wild game were used as sacrifice, is significant in that it points up the changes that have occurred in ceremonial animal sacrifice. However, more research on ritualistic animal sacrifice is still called for in rites for good farming, fishing, and the variety of others that are held throughout Korea.